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TABLE 14.6 : Relationship between Party
Strategies and Direct Tactics
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|
Strategy Variable
|
Correla-
tion
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Direct Tactics
|
|
6.00 Open
Competition
|
.55a
|
6.01
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Advertising candidates by mass media: radio, TV,
newspapers
|
|
|
.14
|
6.02
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Advertising candidates by signs, posters,
billboards, mail
|
|
|
.13
|
6.03
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Promoting candidates through direct contact and
canvassing
|
|
|
.09
|
6.04
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Holding public meetings and rallies for
candidate exposure
|
|
|
.48a
|
6.05
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Registering voters, transporting them to
polls
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
6.10 Restricting
Competition
|
.43a
|
6.11
|
Interfering with opposition advertising
|
|
|
.52a
|
6.12
|
Harassing opposition party workers
|
|
|
.61a
|
6.13
|
Harassing opposition voters, buying votes
|
|
|
.43a
|
6.14
|
Falsifying vote reports
|
|
|
.45a
|
6.15
|
Coopting political opponents
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
6.20 Subverting the
System
|
.82a
|
6.21
|
Boycotting elections, destroying ballots or
election records
|
|
|
.32
|
6.22
|
Terrorizing the population
|
|
|
.43
|
6.23
|
Leading strikes and riots against the
government
|
|
|
.71a
|
6.24
|
Sabotaging government facilities
|
|
|
59a
|
6.25
|
Attempting assassinations, attempting coups
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[a] Correlations
significant at the .01 level or greater,
one-tailed test.
|
these tactics as being directly linked with (i.e., peculiar
to) a strategy of open competition. In view of the rather
consistent relationships among the other tactics and
strategies--supporting the validity of the scoring
overall--it seems that the weakness is in the initial
identification of these tactics with a strategy of open
competition. The three tactics appear instead to be of
general political utility to parties and are not peculiarly
used by parties committed to a strategy of open competition.
Both restrictive and subversive parties may find it useful
to advertise their candidates with signs and posters, for
example. While subversive parties may not risk promoting
their candidates through direct contact with voters or
holding public meetings, both tactics are certainly feasible
for restrictive parties. The observed correlations between
these tactics and the restrictive and subversive strategies
support these interpretations, but the limited number of
cases cautions against pursuing the findings any further.
Bearing these limitations in mind, one still has evidence
for the validity of the strategy variables.
Whereas the tactics considered so far were directly
linked to particular party strategies, the remaining party
tactics were thought to have more general political utility
and were thus labeled as indirect tactics. Three classes of
indirect tactics were proposed. They dealt with (1)
propagandizing ideas and programs, (2) entering alliances
with other parties, and (3) providing for welfare of party
members. The specific tactics proposed under each of these
headings should be positively intercorrelated among
themselves. These expectations were fulfilled in each of the
three cases, but the strengths of some correlations were too
low to inspire confidence that certain tactics deserved to
be treated as classified. The three sets of indirect tactics
and the results of the data analysis are described briefly
below.
Four tactics were proposed as indicators of a more
general activity dimension called "propagandizing ideas and
programs." The argument was that greater use of each tactic
signified a higher degree of propagandizing activity and the
expectation was that use of one tactic would be associated
with use of the others. The tactics were
- 6.31 Operating mass
communications media: party newspaper, radio/TV
station
6.32 Operating party schools (not general education
schools)
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