TABLE 15.8: Percentage Distribution of All
Parties by Region and
Fate
|
|
|
% Parties Terminated
|
|
Region
|
N
|
% Parties Continuing
|
Voluntarily
|
Involuntarily
|
Total %
|
Anglo-American Culture Area
|
23
|
83
|
13
|
4
|
100
|
West Central Europe
|
24
|
79
|
16
|
4
|
100
|
Scandinavia & Benelux
|
28
|
89
|
11
|
-
|
100
|
All "Western"
countries
|
75
|
84
|
14
|
2
|
100
|
South America
|
20
|
95
|
5
|
|
100
|
Central America & Caribbean
|
26
|
58
|
8
|
34
|
100
|
All Latin America
|
46
|
74
|
6
|
21
|
100
|
Asia and the Far East
|
50
|
50
|
24
|
27
|
100
|
Eastern Europe
|
10
|
100
|
-
|
-
|
100
|
Middle East & North Africa
|
20
|
55
|
15
|
30
|
100
|
West Africa
|
19
|
26
|
21
|
52
|
100
|
Central and East Africa
|
12
|
33
|
25
|
42
|
100
|
Africa South of the
Sahara
|
31
|
29
|
22
|
49
|
100
|
peared, no existing parties terminated. Parties in North
Africa and the Middle East suffered fates similar to the
parties in Central America. Almost half ended by 1978 and
most were terminated involuntarily. The highest party
mortality rate by far occurred in Africa south of the
Sahara, where nearly one-third of the parties failed before
1979. Moreover, involuntary causes of suppression and
dissolution upon governmental overthrow accounted for most
of the failures.
We can use the information gained from examining the
reasons for party failure to explain the rise of new parties
by regions, given in Table 15.4. Indeed, regions do appear
to vary in their hospitality toward the creation of new
parties in the sense of allowing freedom to organize, even
in opposition to the government. But in some areas, the
freedom to organize does not extend to freedom to continue,
which seems to be true in Central America, Asia, and Africa.
In these regions, many parties are formed, but they do not
last. The situation is different in Western Europe, where
many parties arose after 1962 but nearly all continued. But
note that the situation in Eastern Europe and in the
"Western" regions is not materially different in surface
manifestations. In both regions, few parties originally and
virtually all continued once formed.
This discussion leads to questions about party life and
death. How long is the average life of a political party?
What is the relationship, if any, between party age and
cause of death? Table 15.9 addresses the first question
dealing with party life-span. For the continuing parties,
which constitute two-thirds of the 208 parties under study,
we can cite only their age as of 1979. More than two-thirds
of the continuing parties were 25 years old or older. This
fact contrasts sharply to the distribution of the terminated
parties by age at death. Fully three quarters of these
parties were younger than 25, and more than half were less
than 15 years old. Obviously, there is some analogy to
infant mortality in the case of parties as well as humans.
Once parties are allowed to mature, their chances of
survival increase dramatically.
TABLE 15.9: The Life-span of Political
Parties
|
Party Age1
(years)
|
% of Parties Continuing
|
% of Parties Terminated
|
100+
|
9
|
|
0
|
|
75-99
|
9
|
|
3
|
|
50-74
|
17
|
|
6
|
|
25-49
|
32
|
|
16
|
|
|
|
67
|
|
25
|
20-24
|
6
|
|
15
|
|
15-19
|
9
|
|
10
|
|
10-14
|
6
|
|
21
|
|
5-9
|
6
|
|
21
|
|
1-4
|
5
|
|
9
|
|
|
|
33
|
|
75
|
|
|
100%
|
|
100%
|
|
N =
|
140
|
|
68
|
The relationship between party age and party fate is
shown in Table 15.10. While about half of the parties under
5 years of age remained alive in early 1979, this group has
not yet lived long enough to have much chance to die. For
parties between 5 and 15 years of age, more than 60 percent
died before 1979. If a party survives until age 15, its
chances of continuing nearly double. However, there is a
rise in mortality among parties between 19 and 25, which may
be due only to chance factors and the relatively small
numbers of parties in
|