The "ac" code is for "adequacy-confidence"--a
data
quality measure ranging from 0 (low) to 9
(high)
Party name and code number
Venezuelan Democratic Republican Union,
391
Union Republicana Democratica,
URD
Institutionalization Variables,
1.01-1.06
1.01 year of origin and 1.02 name
changes
1945, AC7
0, AC7
With the military overthrow of
Medinaangarita in 1945, parties were again allowed to organize.
The new party received legal status under the provisional
government. There have been no name changes during our time
period.
1.03 organizational
discontinuity
8, AC5
The code is based on a split in the party,
occurring in the early 60's, with the expulsion of Ojeda and his
supporters for guerilla activities and other radical left-wing
leaders for their extreme views. Exact figures detailing the size
of the split are not available, but it can be assumed from the
power struggle of moderate vs. left elements for control of the
party, that the ousted faction was sizable enough to constitute a
major split.
1.04 leadership competition
2, AC5
All but one source agree that Villalba has
led the party since its inception, except for 1952-58 when the
dictatorship declared the party illegal. Villalba was not a
presidential candidate in 1958, but he was the party president.
Technically, however, Villalba was invited into the URD soon after
its organization and quickly took over its leadership.
1.05 legislative instability
Instability is 1.17, AC7
The Republican Democratic Union exhibits
considerable legislative instability. The URD appeared not to hold
any seats in the Perez Jimenez appointed congress through 1957. As
a result of elections in the second part of our time period, the
URD strength declined from 26 to 16 percent of the
seats.
1.06 electoral instability
Instability is 1.0, AC5
Elections for a constituent assembly were
held in 1952, but these were widely believed to be fraudulent and
the vote for the URD is not available. In the 1958 and 1963
elections for congress, the URD received 27 and 17 percent of the
vote respectively.
Governmental Status Variables,
2.01-2.07
2.01 government discrimination
16 for 1952-57, AC9
0 for 1958-63, AC6
The government exiled all leaders of the
URD following their charges of government fraud for the 1952
elections. Political persecution expanded to the URD during the
first time period, and Villalba was forced into exile and his
party organization was crushed. During the second time period, the
regime provided Democratic freedoms.
2.02 governmental leadership
0 out of 6 for 1952-57, AC9
0 out of 6 for 1958-63, AC9
URD won 1952 election, but never actually
furnished governmental leaders, for Perez adjusted the election
results and claimed victory.
2.03 cabinet participation
0 out of 6 for 1952-57, AC9
2 out of 6 for 1958-63, AC8
The URD had three members of Betancourt's
15 man cabinet in 1959. In 1960 the three URD members were left
out of the new cabinet.
2.04 national participation
5 for 1st half, AC5
5 for 2nd half, AC6
URD strength is in the metropolitan core,
which has about 20 percent of the population but accounts for
about 48 percent of the URD vote in 1958.
2.05 legislative strength
Strength is .00 for 1952-57, AC7 and .20
for 1958-63 , AC8
The Republican Democratic Union exhibits
considerable legislative instability. The URD appeared not to hold
any seats in the Perez Jimenez appointed congress through 1957. As
a result of elections in the second part of our time period, the
URD strength declined from 26 to 16 percent of the
seats.
2.06 electoral strength
Strength is undefined for 1952-57 and.22
for 1958-63, AC8
Elections for a constituent assembly were
held in 1952, but these were widely believed to be fraudulent and
the vote for the URD is not available. In the 1958 and 1963
elections for congress, the URD received 27 and 17 percent of the
vote respectively.
2.07 outside origin
7, AC5
URD--another offshoot of the October
revolutionÐwas formed by Pardo, Toro, Vegas, and former Adeco
Palacios. It was established under the leadership of Villalba, one
of the principal figures in the 1928 student movement against
Gomez and one of the founders of the PON. He quit its ranks in
1938 and remained an independent until after the 1945
revolution.
Issue Orientation Variables, 5.01-5.15
5.01 ownership of means of
production
3 for 1st half, AC6
1 for 2nd half, AC9
URD changes official statements between
categories of pro-moderate and pro-weak. Advocated greater
participation by the government in the oil industry.
5.02 government role in economic
planning
AC1
No information
5.03 redistribution of wealth 3 for 1st
half, AC6
3 for 2nd half, AC8
There is evidence that URD has favored land
reform and has espoused agrarian and housing reform.
5.04 social welfare
AC1
No information
5.05 secularization of society
AC1
No information
5.06 support of the military
1, AC8
URD opposes military intervention in
politics and emphasizes non- military institutions.
5.07 alignment with east-west
blocs
1 for 1st half, AC6
-1 for 2nd half, AC6
The URD was anti-U.S. before it was
outlawed, but it reversed its position after being declared
illegal. In 1958 Villalba emphasized the deep friendship that he
felt for the U.S. after he was accused of previously delivering an
anti-U.S. speech.
5.08 anti-colonialism
3, AC8
The party pursued an ultra-nationalist line
and denounced the imperialism of foreign capital.
5.09 supranational integration
AC1
No information
5.10 national integration
AC1
No information
5.11 electoral participation
5, AC8
The party denounced electoral conditions
and called for free elections. Introduction of popular vote was
the only road to office for the URD.
5.12 protection of civil rights
AC1
No information
5.13 interference with civil
liberties
AC1
No information
5.14 / 5.15 us--soviet experts left-right
ratings
U.S. says 3, non-communist left
Soviets say 3, unifies intelligentsia,
petty bourgeoisie, some workers and peasants. Democratic Party of
national revolution.
Goal Orientation Variables, 6.01-6.55
6.00 open competition in the electoral
process
3 for 1st half, AC7
4 for 2nd half, AC9
Even when restricted, the party sought open
competition, only to have its apparent 1952 victory annulled by
Perez Jiminez.
6.10 restricting party
competition
0, AC9
The party did not desire to restrict
competition.
6.20 subverting the political
system
1 for 1st half, AC7
0 for 2nd half, AC9
URD engaged in some resistance activity
before the dictator's overthrow in 1958.
6.30 propagandizing ideas and
program
6.31, 6.32, 6.33, 6.34--AC1
No information
6.50 providing for welfare of party
members
6.51, 6.52, 6.53, 6.54--AC1
No information
6.55--2 for 2ndhalf, AC6
URD was reported to have sponsored local
meetings, discussion groups, social outings, and football
teams.
Autonomy Variables, 7.01-7.05
7.01 sources of funds
AC1
No information
7.02 source of members
AC1
No information
7.03 sources of leaders
AC1
No information.
7.04 relations with domestic
parties
6 for 1st half, AC7
6 for 2nd half, AC5
First period code is assigned because the
party benefited from support of ad without reciprocating that
support. Second period code reflects URD participation in the
Betancourt cabinet for two out of the five years.
7.05 relations with foreign
organizations
5, AC3
Code is inferred from absence of any
reference to an international organization of which the party is a
member.
Organizational Complexity Variables,
8.01-8.07
8.01 structural articulation
4 for the 2nd half, AC3
This code is given on the assumption that
the party leaders mentioned in one source had some sort of
national organization in addition to the convention. The lack of
functional specificity is evident in the infrequency of national
conventions and the leadership selection, and likewise, cannot be
described. There is no information for the first half of our time
period.
8.02 intensiveness of
organization
AC1
No information
8.03 extensiveness of
organization
AC1
No information
8.04 frequency of local
meetings
AC1
No information
8.05 frequency of national
meetings
AC1
No information
8.06 maintaining records
AC1
No information
8.07 pervasiveness of
organization
9 for 1957-62, AC8
The labor organization CTV is completely
run by the URD, but it does not have many adherents when compared
to other labor organizations. There is no information for the
first half of our time period.
Organizational Power Variables, 9.01-9.08
9.01 nationalization of
structure
4, AC3
Existence of other levels of organization
besides local is implied, but competition between them seems to
exist instead of a hierarchical distribution of power.
9.02 selecting the national
leader
3, AC6
National convention selects
candidates.
9.03 selecting parliamentary
candidates
AC1
No information
9.04 allocating funds
AC1
No information
9.05 formulating policy
AC1
No information
9.06 controlling communications
AC1
No information
9.07 administering discipline
AC1
No information
9.08 leadership concentration
2 for the 2nd half, AC5
Although much of the literature focuses on
Villalba as the party spokesman, according to one source, the URD
is often represented as a party of personalities. The literature
does not specifically document the locus of authority, and it
appears that other party leaders such as Arcaya and even the more
radically prone figures have served as alternative centers of
authority within the party, requiring bargaining and negotiating
in the exercise of power.
Coherence Variables, 10.01-10.06
10.01 legislative cohesion
AC1
No information
10.02 ideological factionalism
AC1 for 1st half
5 for 2nd half, AC7
In 1958 some elements of the old black
communist group joined the URD and played a major role in the
party under the leadership of Luis Miquelena, who became secretary
of the party and whose views, according to one source, were
indistinguishable from those of the Communist Party of Venezuela.
Many of these leftist views were apparently shared by a group of
young people, who were also influenced by the ideas and policies
of the PCV and opposed to the more moderate position of older
leaders such as Villalba. The literature indicates that the left
oriented group was sizable, but no mention is made of any formal
organization and it is assumed that none existed. There is no
information for the first half of our time period.
10.03 issue factionalism
AC1 for 1st half
5 for 2nd half, AC7
Factionalism was evident within the party
over the issue of Venezuelan foreign policy toward Cuba and
Castro. While many moderates in the party did not condemn Castro,
they also did not support him. Those favoring a stronger
pro-Castro stance won their position when foreign minister Arcaya,
also chancellor of URD, refused to sign an anti-Castro declaration
at a conference of foreign ministers in Costa Rica. His action
brought the URD into open opposition of Betancourt's government
through the early sixties. There is no information for the first
half of our time period.
10.04 leadership factionalism
AC1 for 1st half
5 for 2nd half, AC7
While there is no specific information on
exact size or formal organization of factions, there is no doubt
of rather large followings supporting either the older moderate
leaders such as Villalba or the more radically prone figures
identified in Ojeda and Miquelena. This assumption is based on the
knowledge that the party had enough supporters and strength on
either side of its factional spectrum to change into an opposition
party in the early sixties and to expel shortly thereafter some of
its more radical elements in the pursuit of a moderate course.
There is no information for the first half of our time
period.
10.05 strategic or tactical
factionalism
AC2 for 1st half
5 for 2nd half, AC7
During the URD's participation in the
coalition government, a lack of coherence on several issues of
party strategy were evident. Some of the major areas of
disagreement were the following- the support or opposition of
Betancourt's government, alliance or non-alliance with the
communists and the MIR, the use of Democratic procedures or
guerilla tactics to achieve goals. There is no information for the
first half of our time period.
10.06 party purges
0 for 1st half, AC7
1 for 2nd half, AC8
In the second time period, Ojeda and his
group of left wing radicals was expelled.
Involvement Variables, 11.01-11.06
11.01 membership requirements
AC1
No information
11.02 membership participation
AC1
No information
11.03 material incentives
AC1
No information
11.04 purposive incentives
3, AC4
Factors such as pro-Castro and anti-U.S.
feeling banded youthful URD militants and motivated their
activity. In contrast, many older, more moderate members were
motivated by belief in a democratic government and similar ideals.
There is no information for the first half of our time
period.
11.05 doctrinism
0, AC6
According to one source, the URD has never
enjoyed a programmatic raison d'etre...the URD has found it
difficult to stake out a clear position of its own.