Path: Table of Contents > Essay on Party Politics > Party 371
Peruvian National Union Party, 371
Variables and Codes for 1950-1962
For the concepts and variables below, use these links to Political Parties: A Cross-National Survey:
Institutionalization
Governmental Status
Issue Orientation
Goal Orientation
Autonomy
Organizational Complexity
Organizational Power
Organizational Coherence
Membership Involvement
The "ac" code is for "adequacy-confidence"--a data quality measure ranging from 0 (low) to 9 (high)
Party name and code number
Odria's National Union Party of Peru, 371
Union Nacional Odrista, UNO

Institutionalization Variables
, 1.01-1.06
1.01 Year of Origin and 1.02 Name Changes
1955, AC7
8, AC5
As his control over the Reformist APRA Legislature waned, Peruvian President Bustemente, elected with APRA support in 1945, increasingly disgruntled the Anti-APRA military. In 1948, a military coup deposed the President and installed General Manuel Odria in the office, giving him dictatorial powers. Odria won the presidential elections of 1950 as the only candidate, receiving votes from eighty percent of those who voted in the national elections. Although Odria's candidacy was supported by a multitude of groups and parties, no political organization was established. In 1955, General Odria unexpectedly announced that national elections would be held in 1956 as he would defer to the constitutional limit of a one-term, six-year presidency. Following this announcement, a group of Odria's supporters organized the Partido Restaurador del Peru (PR), or Restoration Party, with the intention of nominating and endorsing candidates who favored a continuation (restoration) of Odria's policies. Information concerning political developments in 1956 is incomplete and confusing. Often referred to as the Odriista Party, the PR joined several minor parties, including the once-powerful Union Revolucionaria Party, in support of the independent presidential candidate Hernando de Lavalle, who vowed to continue the policies of the Odria Administration. Odria apparently chose to support Lavalle despite the protests of Julio de la Piedra, a leading Odriista Party figure with presidential ambitions. The Restoration Party changed its name to Union Nacional Odriista (UNO) as it apparently merged with the Union Revolucionaria in 1956, prior to the elections. UNO remained in existence through the Prado Administration and nominated its leader, Odria, for president in 1962 and 1963.
1.03 Organizational Discontinuity
7, AC5
UNO apparently merged with the small Union Revolucionaria Party prior to the national elections of 1956. This was probably the time at which the name Union Nacional Odriista was adopted.
1.04 Leadership Competition
2, AC7
UNO was led by General Odria from its inception in 1955, as the Restoration Party, through 1963. Although several sources name Julio de la Piedra as the party's leader, Piedra probably served as titular head while Odria held legitimate and effective power in his Odriista Party.
1.05 Legislative Instability
Instability is .86, AC6
Although Odria's followers were in the legislature from the 1950 election to 1956, they were not organized into a political party during that period. UNO begins to get credit for legislative representation following the 1956 election, when the Odriistas won 21 percent of the seats, which was their high point during our time period.
1.06 Electoral Instability
Instability is .49, AC9
Odria won an uncontested election in 1950, but this was before he formed his party. Contested presidential elections were held in 1956, 1962, and 1963. The UNO supported Lavalle in 1956, when Odria was prohibited from succeeding himself as president, and the party received only 18 percent of the vote. In the 1962 and 1963 elections, when Odria himself was the candidate, the party polled 28 and 26 percent of the vote, respectively.

Governmental Status Variables, 2.01-2.07
2.01 Government Discrimination
0 for 1956-63, AC3
UNO was not subject to government discrimination during our time period. The party occasionally cooperated with the Prado regime in the legislature and formed an anti government legislative coalition with APRA in 1963.
2.02 Governmental Leadership
0 out of 8 for 1956-63, AC9
Although Odria led Peru's government throughout the first half of our time period, UNO, in existence only during the second half, did not hold the position of president. President Prado of the MDP served from 1956 to 1962, and, after a brief military dictatorship, President Belaunde of the AP Party led the government in 1963.
2.03 Cabinet Participation
0 out of 8 for 1956-63, AC9
No members of UNO were awarded cabinet posts in either the Prado regime or the Belaunde administration. Several UNO members probably served in this capacity prior to the party's founding in 1955.
2.04 National Participation
6 for 1956-63, AC6
UNO draws its support rather evenly across regions. A 1968 survey of Peru showed the party's support deviating from the population distribution by an average of 4.5 points when the country is divided into eastern jungles, coastal areas, highlands, and Lima. The party runs disproportionately stronger in Lima.
2.05 Legislative Strength
Strength is .16 for 1956-63, AC6
Although Odria's followers were in the legislature from the 1950 election to 1956, they were not organized into a political party during that period. UNO begins to get credit for legislative representation following the 1956 election, when the Odriistas won 21 percent of the seats, which was their high point during our time period.
2.06 Electoral Strength
Strength is .24 for 1956-63, AC9
Odria won an uncontested election in 1950, but this was before he formed his party. Contested presidential elections were held in 1956, 1962, and 1963. The UNO supported Lavalle in 1956, when Odria was prohibited from succeeding himself as president, and the party received only 18 percent of the vote. In the 1962 and 1963 elections, when Odria himself was the candidate, the party polled 28 and 26 percent of the vote, respectively.
2.07 Outside Origin
1, AC9
The Partido Restaurador del Peru was formed in 1955 by President Odria and his followers, among whom were several legislators and government officials. In 1956, the party changed its name to UNO.

Issue Orientation Variables, 5.01-5.15
5.01 Ownership of Means of Production
1, AC5
UNO supported the policies pursued by general Odria during his 1948 to 1956 rule. During his reign, Odria opposed nationalization of industry. Government ownership was opposed, but regulations were apparently accepted.
5.02 Government Role in Economic Planning
1, AC5
UNO supported the policies of General Odria's administration, 1948-56. Odria generally opposed government planning of the economy, but the dictator sponsored programs of economic development. Odria's government raised salaries for some workers, gave land to Lima's poor, and constructed the Quiroz Irrigation System. His regime abandoned government subsidization of metal producers.
5.03 Redistribution of Wealth
0, AC5
Odria, whose policies were supported by UNO, believed that economic development would increase the wealth of the poor as well as aiding the rich. While Odria supposedly represented the rich, he also took a paternalistic view of the poor. Land redistribution was not opposed, but, outside of a token conferral of suburban land to Lima's impoverished, no measures were implemented. Odria's famous irrigation project supposedly enriched the poor farmers but actually benefited the large landowners. Odria forced several industries to increase their wages, but did not reform the system of tax collection which benefited the wealthy. His record, and therefore the position of UNO, is best described as ambiguous.
5.04 Social Welfare
1, AC3
General Odria, whose policies were supported by UNO, held a paternalistic concern for labor and the urban poor. His administration initiated a social security program and some insurance and pension plans. The regime generally disfavored welfare. UNO probably advocated voluntary assistance programs.
5.05 Secularization of Society
AC2
The church and state were separated constitutionally in Peru. Although most Peruvian parties were probably favorably disposed towards the Catholic Church, no information concerning party policy towards secularization is evident.
5.06 Support of the Military
AC2
General Odria was installed in the Presidency by the military in 1948. His administration apparently remained on good terms with the military through
1956, and Odria pleased the army leaders by suppressing APRA activities. After the 1962 elections, the army executed a coup to prevent an UNO-APRA government coalition. Thereafter, the military apparently favored Belaunde and the AP Party. While Odria and UNO may have favored substantial defense expenditures, information is insufficient for coding purposes.
5.07 Alignment with East-West Blocs
5, AC9
President Odria, who received the legion of merit from US President Eisenhower in recognition of his Anti-Communist activities, desired and received both economic and military aid from the united states. Odria apparently supported Peru's membership in the OAS. UNO advocated the policies of the Odria regime.
5.08 Anti-Colonialism
3, AC5
General Odria, whose policies were supported by UNO, encouraged foreign investment. Under his administration, new investments flowed to Peru and no nationalization occurred.
5.09 Supranational Integration
AC1
No information
5.10 National Integration
AC1
No information
5.11 Electoral Participation
1, AC5
The literature in our file contains no reference to the party's position on extension of the franchise, but our consultant reports that a 1967 survey of UNO leaders revealed opposition to the principle.
5.12 Protection of Civil Rights
1, AC3
General Odria believed that economic development would integrate the Indian population into Peruvian society without government action. UNO supported the policies of Odria.
5.13 Interference with Civil Liberties
1, AC3
General Odria's regime suspended several civil liberties and initiated limited press censorship in 1956, prior to the national elections of that year. Political content was censored prior to the 1950 elections as well, supposedly because Odria feared that a student riot would develop into a revolution. Odria's administration also arrested and exiled leaders of the APRA Party, disqualified all presidential candidates in 1950, and prevented party conventions in 1956.
5.14 / 5.15 US--Soviet Experts Left-Right Ratings
US says 1, conservative
Soviets say 1, party represents the interests of the Peruvian oligarchy and US imperialism in Peru. It unifies owners of large cotton and sugar plantations and bankers with an interest in foreign monopolies. The UNO heads all Peruvian reaction, receiving the support of the most reactionary circles of the army.

Goal Orientation Variables, 6.01-6.55
6.00 Open Competition in the Electoral Process
4, AC3
UNO relied exclusively upon the strategy of open competition in the electoral process. The party participated in the national elections of 1956, 1962, and 1963. Although General Odria restricted party competition while dictator (1948-1956), his party did not employ this strategy afterwards. UNO did not attempt to subvert the political process.
6.10 Restricting Party Competition
0, AC3
UNO did not rely upon the strategy of restricting party competition. General Odria employed this strategy in 1950, before the party's inception. The dictator's suppression of APRA activity virtually ceased in 1955, although the party remained illegal. APRA support was sought by each party in 1956, including UNO.
6.20 Subverting the Political System
0, AC3
There is no evidence which would suggest that UNO employed the strategy of subverting the political process. The party relied upon the strategy of open competition.
6.30 Propagandizing Ideas and Program
6.31--0, AC3. UNO did not operate any mass communications media, although the party employed existing media for propaganda purposes.
6.32--0, AC3. There is no evidence of UNO-operated party schools during our time period.
6.33--1, AC3. It seems likely that UNO passed resolutions and platforms at its national conventions. Odria's domination of the party probably lessened the frequency and necessity of the activity.
6.34--1, AC3. UNO probably published position papers, although the activity was not common. Odria's policies were rather well-known, in a general sense, through the nation. The party probably published position papers on newer or more controversial subjects.
6.50 Providing for Welfare of Party Members
0, AC3 for variables 6.51 through 6.55. UNO probably did not engage in the activities of providing social welfare.

Autonomy Variables, 7.01-7.05
7.01 Sources of Funds
AC1
Although UNO was apparently quite wealthy, there is no information pertaining to the sources of these funds.
7.02 Source of Members
AC1
No information
7.03 Sources of Leaders
4 (sectors 4 and 3), AC5
The literature file contains no specific information concerning sources of leaders for the party. Our consultant, however, reports that a 1967 survey of party leaders listed 23 percent as entrepreneurs and another 23 percent as lawyers. A few were large landowners.
7.04 Relations with Domestic Parties
7, AC7
UNO failed to enter into an electoral pact with APRA in 1956. The party occasionally cooperated with the MDP-APRA coalition in the legislature during Prado's reign, but no alliance existed. Rumors of an UNO-APRA governmental and legislative pact in 1962 led to a military coup, but the alleged alliance was denied by Odria. After the 1963 elections, UNO and APRA joined in a legislative alliance of opposition. This occurred late in the time period and does not affect our code.
7.05 Relations with Foreign Organizations
5, AC3
There is no evidence suggesting UNO had relations with any foreign organization.

Organizational Complexity Variables, 8.01-8.07
8.01 Structural Articulation
4, AC5
Only two national organs of UNO can be identified, and selection procedures are unknown. The party's national convention convened in 1962 and declared Odria its presidential candidate. The Restoration Party of 1956 contained a Supreme Committee, and it is likely that such a body continued after the name change to UNO.
8.02 Intensiveness of Organization
AC1
No information
8.03 Extensiveness of Organization
AC1
No information
8.04 Frequency of Local Meetings
AC1
No information
8.05 Frequency of National Meetings
AC1
No information
8.06 Maintaining Records
0, AC3
There is no evidence which suggests that UNO published party propaganda, maintained a party archive, or had access to membership lists.
8.07 Pervasiveness of Organization
8, AC3
One source mentions the existence of the National Grouping of Odriista Workers, a labor affiliate of UNO. This organization apparently drew few members, and party control is unknown. It is unlikely that UNO was represented by other socioeconomic organizations.

Organizational Power Variables, 9.01-9.08
9.01 Nationalization of Structure
AC1
No information
9.02 Selecting the National Leader
8, AC7
General Odria was leader of UNO from its inception through the remainder of our time period. No means of transferring leadership are apparent.
9.03 Selecting Parliamentary Candidates
AC2
UNO candidates probably ran on their own volition, although they most likely required the approval of general Odria, UNO's leader. However, information is insufficient for coding purposes.
9.04 Allocating Funds
AC1
No information
9.05 Formulating Policy
7, AC9
General Odria, leader of UNO, determined the party's policies. Most policy positions were also announced by Odria, although some, especially in 1956, were announced by his spokesmen.
9.06 Controlling Communications
0, AC3
UNO apparently controlled no important communications media at any level.
9.07 Administering Discipline
AC1
No information
9.08 Leadership Concentration
6, AC7
While several sources mention Piedra as UNO leader, Odria actually exercised sole leadership over the party. Piedra was apparently the "manager" of the party "owned" by Odria.

Coherence Variables, 10.01-10.06
10.01 Legislative Cohesion
.90, AC3
While information is scarce, UNO evidently was characterized by a fairly cohesive legislative body.
10.02 Ideological Factionalism
0, AC3
No evidence suggests the existence of ideological factionalism in UNO during our time period. Disagreements were probably not open to public debate.
10.03 Issue Factionalism
0, AC3
No evidence suggests issue factionalism in UNO during our time period. Disagreements were probably not open to public debate.
10.04 Leadership Factionalism
0, AC3
General Odria was recognized as the sole leader of UNO during our time period. No leadership factionalism was apparent.
10.05 Strategic or Tactical Factionalism
2, AC4
A large faction reportedly erupted in 1956 when Odria decided to support Lavalle for president. Many UNO leaders wished to nominate Senator de la Piedra, one of UNO's founders. The factionalism was covert and probably short lived. If any faction arose in opposition he alleged UNO-APRA Agreement of 1962, it was concealed from the public.
10.06 Party Purges
0, AC3
No evidence suggests the occurrence of a purge in UNO during our time period.

Involvement Variables, 11.01-11.06
11.01 Membership Requirements
AC1
No information
11.02 Membership Participation
AC1
No information
11.03 Material Incentives
3, AC3
Most UNO militants were probably motivated by material incentives. The party sought development of Peru's economy as its major goal, to be achieved by restoring Odria to the presidency. Party praganda concentrated upon Odria's record in the economic sphere.
11.04 Purposive Incentives
0, AC3
Few militants were probably motivated by purposive incentives. The party's chief purpose was the restoration of Odria's economic policies, which suggests a predominance of material incentives.
11.05 Doctrinism
0, AC3
No written literature seems to have served as UNO doctrine.
11.06 Personalism
1, AC3
Personalism probably motivated some UNO militants. Odria was a somewhat charismatic leader. Personalism probably affected nominal members of the party to a greater degree.