The "ac" code is for "adequacy-confidence"--a
data
quality measure ranging from 0 (low) to 9
(high)
Party name and code number
Paraguayan National Republican
Association, commonly called Reds (Colorados), 361
Asociacion Nacional Republicana,
more commonly called Colorados.
Institutionalization Variables,
1.01-1.06
1.01 year of origin and 1.02 name
changes
1887, AC7
0, AC9
It appears that the Colorado
party was founded in 1887, although some sources prefer to trace
its roots back a little further (to 1874). There is no evidence of
any name changes, although it has been known both as the
Asociacion Nacional Republicana and the Partido
Colorado.
1.03 organizational
discontinuity
11, AC5
There was a split in 1951 between
the Guion Rojo and the democratic faction, with some members
expelled from the Guion Rojo faction. In 1958, the movimiento
popular Colorado developed as a faction in the party.
1.04 leadership
competition
13, AC6
During our period, Stroessner was
never formally the head of the ANR, although in practice he could
call many--but not all--of the shots. Up until the early 19605s
the party leadership and not Stroessner filled many key government
posts. By 1970, Stroessner ran the party completely. During our
period, the presidency of the party changed from Federico Craves
to Tomas Romero Pereira to J. Bernardino Gorostiaga, to Juan Ramon
Craves.
1.05 / 2.05 legislative
instability and strength
instability is .,00,
AC8
strength is 1.0 for 1st half and
1.0 for 2n0 half, AC9
The Colorados held all the seats
throughout our time period, during which opposition parties were
not permitted to participate in elections.
1.06 / 2.06 electoral instability
and strength
instability is
undefined
strength is undefined
Presidential elections were held
in 1953, 1954, and 1958. The Colorados were unopposed in the first
election, but they relaxed control somewhat during the second half
of our time period and allowed some slight measure of competition.
Still, control was so complete that the party's scores are
undefined on these variables.
Governmental Status Variables,
2.01-2.07
2.01 government
discrimination
16 for 1st half, AC9
16 for 2nd half, AC9
The Colorado party, in the
Paraguayan tradition, has been declared the only legal party.
Opposition party leaders are exiled or imprisoned.
2.02 governmental
leadership
7 out of 7 for 1st half,
AC9
6 out of 5 for 2nd half,
AC9
Paraguay has been under two
Colorado presidents since 1950-Federico Craves and Alfredo
Stroessner.
2.03 cabinet
participation
1 out of 7 for 1st half,
AC9
6 out of 6 for 2nd half,
AC9
The Colorado party was been the
governing body under the Stroessner and Craves regimes. No other
parties were allowed full participation in elections.
2.04 rational
participation
5, AC7
The Colorados, although their
leaders are still members of aristocratic elites, have become a
national party, rather than an elite party. The loyalty of the
nation is traditionally divided between the Colorados and the
Liberals. This continues to be the case, except now on a much
broader scale. Yet the method in which they were founded prohibits
saying that they are spread uniformly across the country. Being
formed by caraies (encomienda leaders), the first parties were
based on the strength of the carai over a certain region. Nichols
points out that these geographic pockets of power still exist
today. Thus, there are areas in which the Colorado party is more
popular and areas in which the Liberals are more popular, although
neither party totally eclipses the other in any area.
2.07 outside origin
1, AC9
the Colorado party was founded by
the ruling clique under the auspices of Bernandino Casellero. The
actual party was formed when a group of caraies (paternalistic
rulers of the encomiendas who had great power over their
inhabitants) consolidated their power behind
Casellero.
Issue Orientation Variables, 5.01-5.15
5.01 ownership of means of
production
-3, AC6
The Colorados are distinctly
anti-communist, and disagree with communist ideology, but no
actual statements have been made concerning their sentiments about
ownership of industries. This is especially noticeable in the lack
of any statement about it in the Colorado program.
5.02 government role in economic
planning
3, AC9
The party's doctrine allows for
intervention in economics for the good of the society--societal
issues are seen as more important than private industry. It
appears that the Colorados have followed this line of thinking in
their policy.
5.03 redistribution of
wealth
3, AC9
There has been land
redistribution in Paraguay and it appears that social welfare
programs are slowly being created. The Colorado party is trying to
build a welfare-state type of image through their advocacy of
cooperatives, tax reforms and a general redistribution of
wealth.
5.04 social welfare
3, AC9
this is a very difficult variable
to code, because it should in some way take into account the
coalition of Paraguay before the Stroessner regime. In any case,
Stroessner has given the people in Asuncion running water,
streets, electric lights, asphalted roads. TV, public health
programs, state supervision of labor contracts, social insurance,
workers safety, land reform, housing projects, and expanded
education. Many of these programs have been taken from liberal and
Febrerista suggestions.
5.05 secularization of
society
-1, AC5
There is a unity in church-state
relations in Paraguay--ecclesiastical patronage is still
acknowledged by the president. The declaration of principles says
nothing about the role of the church, suggesting that the role of
the church is part of the national culture.
5.06 support of the
military
5, AC9
Paraguay, being a military
dictatorship, gives exorbitant support to the military because
this is the true seat of power. Thus, the Colorados, as the party
in power, give enormous support to the military.
5.07 alignment with east-west
blocs
-5, AC5
Paraguay is dependent upon the
United States for all types of aid--especially military aid. In
fact, this is one of the reasons for a common criticism of the
Stroessner regime by the opposition parties--they feel that U.S.
aid is supporting a repressive dictatorship. Paraguay was a
signatory of the 1947 Rio Treaty. A general security
post involving the U.S. and most Latin American
countries.
5.08 anti-colonialism
-1, AC5
Paraguay is not a colony, but the
fact remains that its relationship with the U.S. is one of
dependence, and Paraguay has throughout this time period looked to
the U.S. (and Argentina) for support.
5.09 supranational
integration
1 for 1st half, AC8
1 for 2nd half, AC6
It appears that during the first
half of our time period, president Craves desired to build a
customs union with Argentina as illustrated by a series of trade
pacts and statements by the Colorado party at that time. During
the second half of this time period, Stroessner closed the border
in an effort to alleviate the insurgency attempts which he felt
had been based in the countries bordering Paraguay. There was no
information on whether Stroessner had planned or preferred to
continue efforts towards an economic union beyond the fact that
the Colorado program advocates regional economic
integration.
5.10 national
integration
3, AC6
In theory the Colorados are
trying to envelope Paraguayans with the 'mistica Colorado'
(Colorado mystique) which they define as a subconscious
unification of people under the banner of the Colorado party. This
would ideally give to the people a political identity within the
structure of the party. The Colorados admit that this had not
fully occurred during the time period which we studied, but
claimed this as their goal.
5.11 electoral
participation
-3, AC5
In theory the Colorados require
all males to vote in the country's elections if they are eighteen
years old and over. The problem with viewing the suffrage laws in
this way is that by claiming that all other parties are illegal,
they are in effect eliminating some voters. The two most commonly
used tactics of the opposition parties are blank ballots and the
boycott. Thus these opposition parties were effectively eliminated
from the electoral process during our time period.
5.12 protection of civil
rights
-3, AC9
This is an interesting example of
a party discriminating against the opposition parties in the form
of discrimination against a social group. The state of
siege that was existing in Paraguay also included a loss of
public jobs for those who were members of the opposition parties
and a lack of freedom of expression and respect for life and
property of the opposition. Thus, those who were members of the
opposition parties were effectively shut off from many social and
economic relationships that were open to Colorado party
members.
5.13 interference with civil
liberties
-1, AC8
In a discussion of freedom of the
press in Paraguay, one is again struck with the immense difference
in the theory and the practice of the president, Stroessner.
During our time period there were periods when there was no
outside communication with Paraguay, yet the dictator insisted
that there was complete freedom of the press. If one defines
freedom of the press in terms of freedom of the party press, then
there was free expression in Paraguay. It is interesting that one
of the most adamant and unanimous demands of the opposition in
Paraguay was for freedom from press censorship.
5.14 / 5.15 us--soviet experts
left-right ratings
US says 1,
conservative
Soviets say 1, reflects the
interests of latifundists, the komprador bourgeoisie, higher
military officers, and the reactionary segment of the
clergy.
Goal Orientation Variables, 6.01-6.55
6.00 open competition in
the electoral process
0, AC9
The Colorado party used
repressive measures between 1950 and 1952 in order to retain their
rule. It appears that in 1956 the army chose to disagree with
party tactics and the perennial state of siege was lifted for a
very short time, but was then reinforced before any change in the
power structure could occur. In 1962 a splinter group of the
Liberal Party, the Renovacion Party, was allowed by the government
to oppose Stroessner for the presidency, but they did not quite
have the advantages of the government candidate, and they
complained a great deal about unfair campaign practices. The
important thing to remember about the entrance of this party into
the elections is that while the Colorado party allowed this to
occur, this was not due to any change in their scheme of retaining
power or in an effort to democratize their country, but rather was
done in order to keep peace with other nations (especially OAS
members) and to placate the demands for a democratic government
from the U.S. This was obviously not a new desire on the part of
the Colorado party at that time to allow for open competition, the
actual opposition parties remained illegal.
6.10 restricting party
competition
4, AC9
The Colorado party restricted
party competition throughout the time period under study. When a
party was allowed to compete (Renovacion Liberal), it was only
able to compete under the auspices and by the rules of the
Colorado party. It is interesting to note that during the time
period under study none of the traditional opposition parties
(Liberals and Febreristas) were allowed to participate in the
elections.
6.20 subverting the political
system
0, AC9
The Colorado party did not want
to subvert the political process at this time because they were
the political process. The only dissension and/or subversion by
the Colorados would be directed at an opposing faction within the
party.
6.30 propagandizing ideas and
program
6.31--2, AC9.
The Colorado party appears to use
the press frequently--even to the extent of repressing the use of
the press for other parties. It appears that on occasion the
Colorados also made radio broadcasts.
6.32--1, AC6.
There is an office of the
Colorado party in every city for the sole purpose of political
socialization of the people in that area. I would hesitate to
label this a party school, but I feel that some acknowledgement
should be expressed in this area because there is a structure for
political socialization and thus an education in Colorado party
ideals.
6.33&emdash;1, AC8.
It appears that on occasion the
Colorado party (not as an organ of government nor as an organ of
Stroessner) has passed resolutions. The one that is illustrated in
the material is based on a difference that arose between the
Colorado party and Stroessner in regard to the state of siege.
This is probably due to the fact that there would be little
recognition given to a Colorado party resolution (as distinct from
a governmental resolution) unless it was about a
disagreement.
6.34--2, AC9.
There are many examples of
position papers published in this tine period. Their basic content
is the principles of the Colorado party and they are also often
used to slant public opinion from the opposition
parties.
6.50 providing for welfare of
party members
6.51--1, AC3.
A housing institute was founded
for providing Paraguayans with shelter. I am not quite sure of the
date that this occurred. Therefore I hesitate to give it a
stronger adequacy confidence code.
6.5--AC1.
6.53--AC1.
6.54--1, AC3.
The Colorado party initiated a
center for training in civil service. Again I am not quite sure of
the date that this occurred. Therefore I hesitate to give it a
stronger adequacy confidence code.
6.55&emdash;2, AC6.
There are many social activities
planned for Colorado members (dances, barbecues,
parades).
Autonomy Variables, 7.01-7.05
7.01 sources of funds
7. AC5
The monetary support for the
Colorado party comes from the government workers and other civil
servants in the form of a taxation or levy of salaries.
Interestingly enough, there is no information about the
possibility of monetary support from the military, although the
army leaders are also Colorados. In other words, the military
remains undefined in terms of a possible place in the bureaucracy
of the government. And thus I cannot determine the true source of
Colorado funds, other than their being from the government. This
is really not clearly defined, in that the military, too, is the
Government. Another great part of the Colorado funds comes from
the annual contributions made by the membership.
7.02 source of
members
5, AC9
It is said that membership in one
of the two traditional parties in Paraguay (Colorados and
Liberals) comes at birth. Apart from these ascriptive community
ties, membership in both parties is direct rather than
indirect.
7.03 sources of
leaders
5, AC3
There is no information given on
the origins of the Colorado parliamentary leaders beyond them
being Colorados. For those who are in positions of leadership in
Paraguay and the party, there is really little specific
information. It seems that these leaders come from many
institutional sectors, mainly from the army, business, and the
educated.
7.04 relations with domestic
parties
7, AC9
The Colorado party has made
itself so autonomous in our time period that the other parties are
illegal. The Colorado party during our time period involved itself
in no alliances.
7.05 relations with foreign
organizations
5. AC5
There is no mention of any
international alliances or affiliations that the Colorado party
nurtures. A few of the leaders were sympathizers with Peron when
he was in power in the first half of our time period. But there is
no evidence of any alliances with his party.
Organizational Complexity Variables,
8.01-8.07
8.01 structural
articulation
4, AC5
Within the Colorado party there
appear to be a few national organs. Generally the responsibilities
of these organs are undefined. The selection process is one of
informal co-optation, with a few influential leaders proposing a
list of candidates to the more important organs which is then
accepted intact. For the lesser national organs the selection
process is indeterminate. This could very possibly be an
underestimate of the number of organs as the material is very
vague.
8.02 intensiveness of
organization
4, AC6
Nichol's interpretation of the
Paraguayan political scene relates the levels of organization to
Duverger's definitions. The local units for the Colorado party are
called seccionales and they can be considered 'branches.' their
function is to look after the welfare of the party members
(through patronage). One can define them as small
branches.
8.03 extensiveness of
organization
6, AC5
I would suppose that the
seccionales would be found throughout the country, because of
their function, and because the Colorados are the party in
power.
8.04 frequency of local
meetings
AC1
I would tend to believe that
during our time period the seccionales met regularly. But I cannot
tell exactly how regularly from the material. Thus any code would
be a wild guess. I would also suppose that meetings vary in
regularity from the urban areas to the countryside.
8.05 frequency of national
meetings
AC1
There was no information given
about the executive committee meetings.
8.06 maintaining
records
10. AC6
This is the minimal adequacy
confidence level code, for only one source spoke of the
maintenance of membership lists, but many spoke of the party
newspaper, Patria. The Colorados maintain formal enrollment lists
and issue membership cards. There is no information about an
archive for the party.
8.07 pervasiveness of
organization
12, AC8
The labor organization in
Paraguay was, during our time period, controlled by the Stroessner
Colorado party. There are also youth groups that are based on
allegiance to the Colorado party, and there has been an
infiltration of the army (especially among the leaders) of
pro-Stroessner Colorados. This control over the army is not total
as the army retains strength of its own and in turn supports the
party. It is a symbiotic relationship.
Organizational Power Variables, 9.01-9.08
9.01 nationalization of
structure
6, AC3
The national directors of the
party appear to be in a superior position to the local
organizations, as their ability to pick the local leaders and to
bestow patronage illustrates. There is no mention of any regional
organizations, but this may be a fault of the sources, and may not
be the actual system in the political hierarchy.
9.02 selecting the national
leader
7, AC9
In viewing the Colorado party's
method of selection of candidates for the national leader during
our time period, it is important to distinguish between
'selection' and 'nomination.' A small group of officials of the
stronger faction of the party 'select' a candidate who is then
turned over to the convention for 'approval and nomination.' thus
selection is an inner party power struggle, when there is a
choice. Since Stroessner came into power, the Colorado party has
unequivocally 'nominated' him (although they really had no choice
in the matter).
9.03 selecting parliamentary
candidates
9. AC8
Again this is a question of
'selection vs. nomination'--selection is a matter of officials who
compose a list for recruitment of individuals for party
leadership. These lists are brought to the national convention for
approval. In the case where alternative lists are proposed at the
national convention, the faction with the most power will have its
list 'nominated.'
9.04 allocating funds
AC1
There is no information in the
material on the allocation nor on collection of funds.
9.05 formulating
policy
6 for 1950-56, AC5 7 for 1957-62,
AC8 in the first half of our time period
While Stroessner was
consolidating his power, the Colorado Party was the main policy
maker, and thus it has the executive committee of the party which
was making policy. After about 1959 when Stroessner reinstated the
state of siege, it was he who was making the policy with the
support of the army. This caused a lot of friction within the
party and according to the Nichol's interpretation, even caused
the formation of the Movimiento Popular Colorado (Mopoco)
Faction.
9.06 controlling
communications
7, AC3
Patria was a national newspaper,
published to illustrate and circulate the Colorado stance on
issues of national importance. It appears that the Colorado party
also made great use of radio broadcasts on 'Radio Nacional del
Paraguay.'
9.07 administering
discipline
4, AC9
The purges and other disciplinary
actions are meted out by those in power--either the directorate or
Stroessner (implemented by the army).
9.08 leadership
concentration
4 for 1st half, AC5 6 for 2nd
half, AC9
Stroessner, with his army
support, is the spokesman for the Colorado party. He has become
more and more a strong-man since 1959, but this tendency was
exhibited throughout our time period.
Coherence Variables, 10.01-10.06
10.01 legislative cohesion
AC1
During our time period, Paraguay
was virtually a single-party state. The Colorados limited all
political participation to their own party and all other parties
were illegal. Although this information implies a cohesive party
representation, no information was found to enable coding this
variable with any degree of confidence.
10.02 ideological
factionalism
0, AC9
During our time period there were
no real factional disputes over ideological differences. Generally
the factions in the Colorado party result from unsatisfied groups
of persons who want a larger share of the spoils. The parties
still retain this "caudillo" aspect as Hadley pointed
out.
10.03 issue
factionalism
5 for 1st half, AC5
4 for 2nd half. AC5
Both of the Colorado factions
occurring during our time period, the Guion Rojo and the
Movimiento Popular Colorado (Mopoco), were formed due to a
different view of the issues. The Guion Rojo appears to be an old
faction and thus counts as an important one, but lacks the formal
organization that Mopoco had. Mopoco is a smaller faction
basically composed of youth of the party. Both groups were more
extremist than the group in power at the time.
10.04 leadership
factionalism
5 for 1st half, AC5 4 for 2nd
half, AC5
The formation of political
parties in Paraguay began with a group of persons supporting a
favored leader, and the formation of political factions in the
Colorado party occurred in somewhat the same way. Many authors
have pointed out that both the Guionistas and the Mopoco group
rallied around a leader or group of leaders in order to regain
power. A low adequacy confidence level is given to this code,
because there is no place in the literature that gives any
approximation as to the numbers in the factions.
10.05 strategic or tactical
factionalism
5 for 1st half, AC5 4 for 2nd
half, AC5
The Guionistas were a younger,
more militant group of Colorados. This, interestingly enough, was
also the case with the Mopoco. The Mopoco spoke out against the
repressive tactics of the Stroessner regime, and even joined with
the opposition parties in denouncing the regime's tactics. Again
the low adequacy confidence code is due to insufficient
data.
10.06 party purges
1 for 1st half. AC3
1 for 2nd half, AC3
It is not clear that the purges
were anywhere near the percentages implied by this code, but it
acknowledges the fact that in both of our time periods, there were
purges of certain militant elements.
Involvement Variables, 11.01-11.06
11.01 membership
requirements
3, AC6
The Colorado party requires
formal enrollment and an annual contribution. Each person
interested in joining the party must fill out an application which
is then kept in a file.
11.02 membership
participation
2, AC8
Party members depend upon the
party organization for jobs, aid, and information. Thus it would
appear that on occasion they would go to party meetings or
participate in party activities, such as the parade of solidarity
mentioned in a New York Times article. Or the many dances,
barbecues, etc.
11.03 material incentives
3, AC5
Colorado militants all enjoy the
material benefits of being members of the Colorado party. Perhaps
this is not the only motivating force behind the Colorado
militants, but it must have been substantial in a country where
the only bureaucrats were members of the Colorado party and the
chamber of deputies was all Colorado members.
11.04 purposive
incentives
0, AC9
The Colorado party is a patronage
party. Membership has spread through social interrelationships.
The party platforms, which would be the reason for joining the
party if purposive incentives were important, are manipulated by a
small group of officials and are rarely cited by the
members.
11.05 doctrinism
0. AC7
There are the declaration of
principles and the program of the party. There is no evidence that
the general membership refers to this body of literature at any
great length. Rather, it is a product of the educated elite of the
party.
11.06 personalism
0. AC5
The militants that would appear
to be supporting a leader would most probably be supporting the
power of the leader (or the possibility of that power), rather
than any personalism or devotion because of the charismatic
qualities of the leader.