Path: Table of Contents > Essay on Party Politics > Party 274
Luxembourg Communist Party, 274
Variables and Codes for 1950-1962
For the concepts and variables below, use these links to Political Parties: A Cross-National Survey:
Institutionalization
Governmental Status
Issue Orientation
Goal Orientation
Autonomy
Organizational Complexity
Organizational Power
Organizational Coherence
Membership Involvement
The "ac" code is for "adequacy-confidence"--a data quality measure ranging from 0 (low) to 9 (high)
Party Name and Code Number
Luxembourg Communist Party, 274
Kommunistische Partei Luxemburg, 274

Institutionalization Variables
, 1.01-1.06
1.01 Year of Origin and 1.02 Name Changes
1921, AC5
0, AC9
The literature does not contain conclusive evidence concerning the founding of the Communist Party. Our consultant states that it was founded in 1921, but that the first Communist deputy was expelled of the loner house in 1934 because the CSV/liberal government denoted the Communist Party as anti-constitutional. No Communist deputy sat in the chamber until 1937. The Party has not undergone any name changes and has always been referred to as the Communist Party.
1.03 Organizational Discontinuity
0, AC9
While none of the literature refers directly to this code, no evidence is available to indicate that the party underwent any splits or mergers. In fact it seems that the party has been able to present a unified front, since it frequently opposes just about everything that the other parties try to Accomplish. After our time period, however, a split occurred on the china question at about 1965, the directorate of the party supporting the soviets against the "military clique of peking.' but this split didn't weaken the party. It concerned only intellectuals.
1.04 Leadership Competition
4, AC7
Zenon Bernard became president of the party upon its founding in 1921. It is not clear when he was replaced as party leader, but by 1946 Dominique Urbany was general secretary and party leader. He served in this capacity throughout our time period, with Arthur Useldinger continuously serving as second in command. It is not known how Urbany was selected. So a compromise score was awarded.
1.05 / 2.05 Legislative Instability and Strength
Instability is .16, AC9
Strength is .07, for 1950-56, AC9, and .06 for 1957-62, Ac9
The Communist representation in the chamber of deputies declined to 6 percent at the end of our period from a high of 10 percent in 1950.
1.06 / 2.06 Electoral Instability and Strength
Instability is .12, AC6
Strength is .08 for 1950-56, AC6. And .07 for 1957-62, AC5
The Communists took 9 percent of the vote in 1954 and 7 percent in the 1951 and 1959 elections.

Governmental Status Variables, 2.01-2.07
2.01 Government Discrimination
0, AC6
The Communist Party, according to a Communist historian, was severely discriminated against prior to our time period. The high point of this feeling occurred in the late 1930'5 and early 1940'5. After the war the party appears to have faired much better.
2.02 Governmental Leadership
0 out of 7 for 1950-56, AC9
0 out of 6 for 1957-62, AC9
Because the party is such a small political force, it is very rarely represented in the government. In the past it has not been able to receive adequate support to gain even a parliamentary seat.
2.03 Cabinet Participation
0 out of 7 for 1950-56, AC9
0 out of 6 for 1957-62, AC9
For the same reasons as above, the party has not been represented in the cabinet.
2.04 National Participation
4, AC6
According to election figures and the literature, the Communist Party is primarily a regional party, acquiring most of its strength in the southern industrial region. It does acquire some support in the other three areas but nothing of any consequence. In 1959, the party only presented candidates in two of the electoral regions.
2.07 Outside Origin
10, AC6
The party was formed by Zenon Bernard and some of his friends. Bernard was a rolling mill worker.

Issue Orientation Variables, 5.01-5.15
5.01 Ownership of Means of Production
5, AC5
The available information states little more than the party followed the usual Communist program. Our consultant says that it was in favor of nationalization of industry.
5.02 Government Role in Economic Planning
AC1
No information.
5.03 Redistribution of Wealth
AC1
No information.
5.04 Social Welfare
5, AC5
There is no specific information, but our consultant says the party was in favor of all progressive measures for the lower classes.
5.05 Secularization of Society
AC1
No information.
5.06 Support of the Military
AC1
No information.
5.07 Alignment with East-West blocs
5, AC6
The party is rigidly orthodox in following the Moscow line, hence it mould seem that the party would be willing to engage in formal alliances with the eastern bloc if it were in its power to make such alliances.
5.08 Anti-colonialism
AC1
No information,
5.09 Supranational Integration
0, AC5
The party voted against all attempts at European integration, and the party is also against Luxembourg's participation in NATO. However, it seems that the party voted this nay for ideological reasons rather than for a sincere quarrel with the idea of supranational organization. Since it was not given a chance to vote on an issue like Luxembourg's participation in the Warsaw pact, a true idea of its feeling for integration cannot be obtained.
5.10 National Integration
AC1
No information.
5.11 Electoral Participation
5, AC9
Voting is compulsory in Luxembourg.
5.12 Protection of Civil Rights
AC1
No information.
5.13 Interference with Civil Liberties
-3, AC6
Our consultant stales that, having been itself subject to all kinds of persecution and controls, the Communist Party favors an extension of civil liberties in Luxembourg.
5.15 US--Soviet experts left-right ratings
US says 4, Communist Soviets say 3, a Marxist-Leninist party supporting the principles of proletarian internationalism and the union of the international Communist movement.

Goal Orientation Variables, 6.01-6.55
6.00 Open Competition in the Electoral Process
4, AC3
While no specific mention was made of this variable and the following two, it appears that the party is oriented to open competition with no attempt at restriction or subversion of political activities. The party is such a small force that it would probably not be practical for it to engage in such activities since the benefit mould be very small and the risk very great. Its poor popular support also may prohibit it from engaging in such activities.
6.10 Restricting Party Competition
0, AC3
The party was never strong enough to attempt to restrict the competition of others.
6.20 Subverting the Political System
0, AC3
Its opposition to the government appears to have been limited to constitutional means.
6.30 Propagandizing Ideas and Program
6.31--2, AC6.
The party goes publish a newspaper, the "Zeitung Vum Letzeburger Vollek.'
6.32--1, AC6.
Our consultant says that the party does operate a party school.
6.33, 6.34--AC2.
It is not possible to determine to what extent the party engages in these activities. I would guess that the party does engage in these activities but the data are not sufficient to support this guess.
6.50 Providing for Welfare of Party Members
AC1
No information.

Autonomy Variables, 7.01-7.05
7.01 Sources of Funds
AC1
The information was not available to determine the source of the party's funds.
7.02 Source of Members
5, AC3
The file lacks completeness but it did identify the labor sector as its source of members, which are assumed to be all direct.
7.03 Sources of Leaders
1 (sector 011), AC3
Since the party draws its support from only one institutional sector of society. It would seem reasonable to assume that its leaders also come from that sector. That sector is labor, 01.
7.04 Relations with Domestic Parties
7, AC6
The party was almost always opposed to everything that the ruling coalition did. Our consultant notes that this opposition of principle was very developed against the CSV, which used the Communist Party as a scapegoat. The Socialist-liberal government of 1974 established other relations with the Communists, and they supported the new government on crucial issues.
7.05 Relations with Foreign Organizations
1, AC6
The party supports the Moscow line and was one of the ten Communist parties to support the invasion of Czechoslovakia. The party is rigidly orthodox in following the Moscow line, and it is said to draw its financial support from the USSR and the DDR.

Organizational Complexity Variables, 8.01-8.07
8.01 Structural Articulation
9, AC5
The literature contains almost no information concerning the organization of the Communist Party, and we have had to rely entirely on facts supplied by our consultant in coding the variables concerning the degree of organization. According to his information, there is a Congress, a Central Committee, an Executive Committee, and a Secretariat. There is no information concerning the selection procedures for the members of these bodies, and their functions are not known.
8.02 Intensiveness of Organization
6, AC6
Our consultant reports that the party does have cells in industries.
8.03 Extensiveness of Organization
AC1
No Information.
8.04 Frequency of Local Meetings
AC1
No information.
8.05 Frequency of National Meetings
4, AC6
Our consultant reports that the central committee meets every two months.
8.06 Maintaining Records
6, AC3
The party does publish a newspaper, and it is assumed that it maintains membership lists in some form. There is no information concerning other types of record keeping.
8.07 Pervasiveness of Organization
9, AC6
Apart from the relatively weak free association of Luxembourg workers, the party was not able to sustain ancillary labor organizations. But our consultant reports that the party did have a women's organization and organizations for youth and students.

Organizational Power Variables, 9.01-9.08
9.01 Nationalization of Structure
AC2
No party structure is articulated in the literature, though this should not de taken to mean that no organization exists. There is a reference to the party president getting together with the other party presidents to build a government. A party organization of some sort most likely exists, but the literature does not provide sufficient information to determine its structure.
9.02 Selecting the National Leader
7, AC3
Because nothing is known about the selection procedures when Urbany replaced Bernard, this code must only be a guess. But our consultant states that when Jean Kill, the number three person in the hierarchy, died in 1970, he was replaced by Rene Urbany, son of Dominique Urbany, the leader. The inference is that the top leadership group is largely self perpetuating.
9.03 Selecting Parliamentary Candidates
AC1
A blank code for this party is incorrect since a legislature does exist and the party does attempt to place its representatives in the legislature. However, there is no mention in the literature of the method of nomination or selection.
9.04 Allocating Funds
AC1
No information.
9.05 Formulating Policy
AC1
No information.
9.06 Controlling Communications
7, AC5
There is a daily Communist newspaper, and two party leaders have written books on the Communist Party in Luxembourg and on the history of Luxembourg. A national orientation to media control was assumed since the writers here leaders or important members of the party. Local control could easily exist but the data were insufficient to determine this.
9.07 Administering Discipline
AC1
No information.
9.08 Leadership Concentration
4, AC5
There is no information on this variable in our file. But our consultant says that two or three families have been dominant in the top leadership of the party. Urbany and Useldinger, for example, here continually spoken of as number one and number two in the party. Kill and Grandgenet here other prominent names during our period.

Coherence Variables, 10.01-10.06
10.01 Legislative Cohesion
1.0, AC3
No statistics here found to calculate the rice index. However, the Communist Party is regarded as rigidly orthodox and votes very frequently against many of the government's proposals. As an opposition party, solidarity was assumed.
10.02 Ideological Factionalism
1, AC3
The data are simply not adequate to assign a code. I would guess that the party did not experience ideological disputes, but this is purely an intuitive guess and not supported explicitly by the literature. After our time period, of course, there was a split over the China issue.
10.03 Issue Factionalism
0, AC8
Given the party's voting records on various subjects, it seems reasonable to assume that the party is for all practical purposes solidly unanimous on the issues which confront it.
10.04 Leadership Factionalism
0, AC5
The information on this variable was not complete enough to assign a code. Our consultant says there was no real leadership factionalism, except sometimes certain rivalries.
10.05 Strategic or Tactical Factionalism
0, AC5
Our consultant says there was no factionalism concerning the party's strategy on tactics.
10.06 Party purges
0, AC3
No evidence of purges or splits was found in the literature.

Involvement Variables, 11.01-11.06
11.01 Membership Requirements
7, AC3
In the absence of information to the contrary, it is assumed that the membership requirements are the standard ones of dues, registration, and probation--which are common to almost all Communist parties.
11.02 Membership Participation
AC1
No information.
11.03 Material Incentives
AC1
No information.
11.04 Purposive Incentives
AC1
No information.
11.05 Doctrinism
2, AC3
There are references to two history books written by Communists and also to the Communist Party paper, but their utility for determining party doctrine was not discussed. One reference was also found to the writings and speeches of Zenon Bernard--founder of the party. His present influence on the party was not discussed.
11.06 Personalism
AC1
No information.