The "ac" code is for "adequacy-confidence"--a
data
quality measure ranging from 0 (low) to 9
(high)
Party Name and Code
Number
Luxembourg
Christian Social Union, 271
Chrestlech Sozial Vollekspartei, CSV
Institutionalization Variables,
1.01-1.06
1.01 Year of Origin
and 1.02 Name Changes
1914, AC5
2, AC5
The literature in our file is not clear about the origin of the
CSV. Our consultant advises us that the party was formed in 1914
in opposition to the liberal Socialist coalition. The original
name of the party was "party of the right," but its name was
changed in 1944 to Christian Social Union, also commonly called
the Social Christian Party.
1.03 Organizational
Discontinuity
0, AC9
No evidence of discontinuity exists in the literature during the
period from 1941 to 1962. The only split which is ever mentioned
is the one which occurred in 1924. Even though no mention is
specifically made of splits or mergers, it can be assumed that
none occurred. Since coalition governments are continually being
formed, a party split would be a detriment to the party since it
could possibly lose sufficient electoral strength to get any
representation. Mergers are unlikely because even though the
parties are often ideologically similar enough, disagreement
exists which makes mergers unlikely.
1.04 Leadership
Competition
15, AC6
Although the CSV does have a party chairman, the real leader of
the party is said to be the Prime Minister, who was always from
the CSV during our tine period. Pierre Dupong served from 1936 to
1953, Joseph Bech from 1953 to 1956, Pierre Werner from 1956 to
1959. And Pierre Werner from 1959 through the end of our time
period and into the 1970s. During this period, the Prime Minister
was designated by the national committee.
1.05 / 2.05
Legislative Instability and Strength
Instability is .10,
AC9
Strength is .45 for 1950-56 AC9, and .43 for 1957-62, AC9 during
our period,
The Christian Socialists always held the largest share of the
seats in the Chamber of Deputies, but the party never could claim
a clear majority, falling just short in 1954 when it won exactly
half of the seats.
1.06 / 2.06
Electoral Instability and Strength
Instability is .05,
AC5
Strength is .43 for 1950-56, AC6, and .39 for 1957-62, AC5
In the elections of 1951, 1954, and 1959, the party's percentages
of the vote declined from 45 to 42 to 39.
Governmental Status Variables,
2.01-2.07
2.01 Government
Discrimination
0 for 1950-56, AC5
0 for 1957-67, AC5
No evidence at all exists to indicate that this party has ever
been discriminated against. A substantial segment of the
literature is devoted to the political fighting which goes on
between parties, but no mention is made of the government ever
trying to restrict the activities of this party. It would be
difficult to do so since the CSV was always a member of the
coalition government from 1950-62.
2.02 Governmental
Leadership
7 out of 7 for
1950-56, AC9
6 out of 6 for 1957-62, AC9
These scores clearly reflect the dominance of the CSV as the major
political party of Luxembourg during our period. Dupong was Prime
Minister from 1949 to 1952, followed by Bech until 1957, by
Frieden until 1959, and by Pierre Werner again through the end of
our time period.
2.03 Cabinet
Participation
7 out of 7 for
1950-56, AC9
6 out of 6 for 1957-62, AC9
Because the party has been able to remain the dominant party for
so long. It not only has assured itself a substantial role in the
government but because of its popular support has been able to
acquire a substantial number of cabinet level
ministers.
2.04 National
Participation
5 for 1950-56,
AC9
5 for 1957-62, AC9
According to an analysis of electoral statistics provided by the
Luxembourg Office of General Statistics, the average deviation of
voles from the population distribution was calculated. From this
analysis it was possible to conclude that the CSV receives support
nationwide though it does consistently better in the South and
center than in the North and East,
2.07 Outside
origin
4, AC6
The literature in our file goes not adequately discuss the origin
of the CSV. Our consultant, however, states that the party
originated among Catholic deputies who joined kith others outside
parliament in opposition to the liberal/Socialist coalition. The
primary issues here cultural (orientation of the school system)
and economic (institutional and cooperative integration of the
professions).
Issue Orientation Variables, 5.01-5.15
5.01 Ownership of
Means of Production
-3, AC4
One reference mentioned that the party supported free enterprise,
but the terms here unspecified.
5.02 Government
Role in Economic Planning
-1, AC5
While the party opposes state intervention in the economy, it does
favor the creation of additional places of employment where they
are needed. It supports the idea of free enterprise but goes not
appear to wish to withdraw the government from the activity it is
presently pursuing.
5.03 Redistribution
of Wealth
0, AC5
This code was chosen on the basis of several positions the party
has taken. The party's basic conservative orientation mould not
permit it to propose radical measures to redistribute wealth
especially since the party often represents the interests of the
"old' industries, primarily steel. However, at the same time, the
party advocates such measures as higher rates of interest for
small savers. Clearly a health redistribution device. The party is
not adverse to the concept of private property, but does not feel
that property should be the exclusive privilege of the monied
classes.
5.04 Social
Welfare
39, AC8
Continued reference is made to the party's support of progressive
labor legislation and protection for various economic sectors. The
party also supports payments to disabled veterans. No specific
mention was made of whether the programs mould be voluntary or
compulsory, but our consultant reports that compulsory programs
were favored.
5.05 Secularization
of Society
3, AC6
Being a Catholic party, the CSV has strong ties to the Church
since the great majority of the people of Luxembourg are Roman
Catholic. The party supports a proposed system of state aid to
Church schools and does not wish to disrupt the present
regulations which concern the Church. Unfortunately, no specific
mention is made as to what these regulations are, though it can be
inferred that they are somewhat favorable to the Church. Our
consultant states that clergymen were appointed by the state,
religious education was given in the schools in our period on an
almost compulsory level, and the deficits of Church schools were
covered by the state.
5.06 Support of the
Military
1, AC3
While the party did not argue with the existing defense
arrangements and while it did support sending troops to Korea, the
party was also in favor of reducing the length of military
service. Our consultant states that military service was abolished
in 1968. It caused a cleavage in the CSV. 6 deputies of the CSV
voting against the government, which was in favor of military
service.
5.07 Alignment with
East-West blocs
-5, AC9
The party supports the Western alliance and also supports NATO, as
all the major parties of Luxembourg with the exception of the
Communist Party.
5.08
Anti-Colonialism
AC1
No information.
5.09 Supranational
Integration
3, AC9
The party has supported all the plans for European integration.
Such as the Schumann plan and the European common market. The
party also supports Euratom and has expressed interest in the
European parliament. Even given the international outlook of the
party, it still opposes the loss of national sovereignty in
supranational groups.
5.10 National
Integration
1, AC6
The party once went on record as favoring the strengthening of
community autonomy. Whether or not the party Actually pursued this
is subject to question, since the Democratic Party has claimed
that the CSV has done nothing to Accomplish this goal.
5.11 Electoral
Participation
5, AC9
Voting is compulsory in Luxembourg.
5.12 Protection of
Civil Rights
AC1
No particularly relevant information was found to ascertain what
the party's position might be with respect to this
variable.
5.13 Interference
with Civil Liberties
-2, AC5
The CSV supported the "Service de Renseignements," an intelligence
service which made secret reports on "people menacing national
security.' this "Service de Renseignements' is subordinated to the
Prime Minister and theoretically controlled by a parliamentary
committee.
5.14 / 5.15
US-Soviet Experts Left-Right Ratings
US says 2,
center
Soviets say 1, represents the interests of the upper monopolistic
bourgeoisie, landowners. And the Catholic clergy. Advocates the
strengthening of the capitalistic structure.
Goal Orientation Variables, 6.01-6.55
6.00 Open
Competition in the Electoral Process
4, AC9
No evidence seems to exist to contradict the code assigned.
However, the elections of Luxembourg seem to be hotly contested
and this results in numerous Accusations and counteraccusations.
While an objective source was next to impossible to obtain,
several Accusations were made against the CSV claiming that they
had engaged in "dirty politics" (lying. Misrepresentation,
etc).
6.10 Restricting
Party Competition
0, AC9
The party does not appear to restrict competition in the electoral
process.
6.20 Subverting the
Political System
0, AC9
Rather than subvert the political process, the CSV participates in
the selection process with apparent enthusiasm. However, as
mentioned above for variable 6.00, sometimes it appears that the
enthusiasm gets a bit out of hand.
6.30 Propagandizing
Ideas and program
6.31--0, AC6.
The "Luxemberger Wort' is sometimes called the party newspaper,
but our consultant says that the paper belongs to the Catholic
diocese, but in its own terms it is a "Presse Amie" (friendly
press). The CSV has been editing its own weekly paper since
October 1974 as a supplement to the "Luxemberger Wort."
6.32--0, AC3. There is no evidence of party schools.
6.33--2, AC6. Position papers and platforms are evident.
6.34--1. AC3. References are frequent to the CSV election
manifesto. Position papers and platforms are also
evident.
6.50 providing for
welfare of party members
AC1
No information.
Autonomy Variables, 7.01-7.05
7.01 Sources of
Funds
AC2
While it is not possible to identify the source of funds for the
CSV because of a lack of information, the information does
indicate that the CSV has widely based support among farmers,
Catholic labor circles, and various conservative
groups.
7.02 source of
members
5, AC5
The fact that the CSV has such wide popular support and the dearth
of data lead one to suspect that no membership requirements exist.
However, our consultant reports that the CSV has 7,000
members.
7.03 sources of
leaders
AC1
No basis exists for adequately assigning a code to this
variable.
7.04 Relations with
Domestic Parties
4, AC9
The CSV has been the dominant partner in coalition governments
throughout the entire period 1950-62. The party must cooperate
with one of the other parties since it has never been able to
acquire a decisive majority in an election. The spirited nature of
the elections do not seem to permit any other type of cooperation
outside that necessary to run the government.
7.05 Relations with
Foreign Organizations
4, AC5
It appears that the party belonged to the Nouvelles Equipes
International, nei, which was renamed the European Union of
Christian Democrats, UEDC. Certainly representatives of the party
were in attendance at the Fifth World Conference of Christian
Democrats in Peru in 1966.
Organizational Complexity Variables,
8.01-8.07
8.01 Structural
Articulation
6, AC4
The literature does not describe the party organization at any
length. Our consultant reports that the 1972 statutes mention
three national organs--a national congress, a national committee,
and a national executive committee. It is not known what selection
procedures are involved in choosing members of these organs nor
the specific functions of each body.
8.02 Intensiveness
of Organization
4, AC5
The 1972 statutes provide for "sections' to be organized on a
municipality basis, with more than one section being created in
larger municipalities.
8.03 Extensiveness
of Organization
6, AC6
There are four electoral districts in Luxembourg. And the CSV
seems to be organized in each of these districts.
8.04 Frequency of
Local Meetings
AC1
No information.
8.05 Frequency of
National Meetings
5, AC5
According to the 1972 statutes. The National Committee meets every
two months. We infer that this schedule held for our time period
also.
8.06 Maintaining
Records
1, AC3
The party does publish election manifestos. It may have even more
extensive record maintenance procedures. But only further research
can determine this.
8.07 Pervasiveness
of Organization
8, AC5
The party seems to have strong ties with the agricultural sector
through the peasant central. A farmer's organization which ordered
its members to vote for the CSV in the 1959 election. The order
was not complied with by all the members, resulting in a loss of
votes for the CSV. The CSV is also reputed by one source to have
strong ties with the trade union movement and was accused of
trying to steer the expansion of the trade union movement to the
direct use of the party. The youth of the party also seemed to be
organized in some manner. Although this was
indeterminate.
Organizational Power Variables, 9.01-9.08
9.01
Nationalization of Structure
5, AC5
The information in our literature file does not discuss the
interrelationships among the party organizations. But our
consultant reports that the 1972 party statutes mention the
existence of regional congresses and committees for each of the
four electoral districts in Luxembourg.
9.02 Selecting the
National Leader
6, AC6
The chairman of the party is elected by the National Congress. The
Prime Minister, however, is the real leader of the party, and he
is selected by the National Committee, which includes
parliamentary representatives.
9.03 Selecting
Parliamentary Candidates
5, AC6
Our consultant states that the districts propose lists of
candidates which must be approved by the national
committee.
9.04 Allocating
Funds
AC1
No information.
9.05 Formulating
Policy
3, AC3
The only mention of policy formation was in the case of the
congress of stresa which set forth the agricultural policy of the
party. No evidence was found of how this policy statement was
effected by other party organizations.
9.06 Controlling
Communications
AC1
No information.
9.07 Administering
Discipline
4, AC5
While our information file does not discuss this matter, our
consultant advises that there is a council of discipline (five
members selected by the national committee) which can take action
in cases of party members affiliating with other political
organizations, criticizing the party's policies in the press, and
so on.
9.08 Leadership
Concentration
AC1
No information.
Coherence Variables, 10.01-10.06
10.01 Legislative
Cohesion
.90, AC3
No quantitative data at all was available to assign a code, but
the existence of a strong party discipline (which was crossed in
at least one instance) and the need to maintain a unified front to
assure as great a legislative success as possible would seem to
allow the above code to be assigned.
10.02 Ideological
Factionalism
1, AC3
Ideological concerns did occasionally appear to be debated, but
there did not appear to be factional tendencies in the party. Our
consultant reported that factions appeared after our time period,
when the CSV went into the opposition.
10.03 Issue
Factionalism
1, AC5
Frequent newspaper debates were carried on with writers of the
other parties, and occasionally statements were issued to clarify
party policy. Even though this public discussion took place, there
did not appear to be sufficient differences between members to
form factions.
10.04 Leadership
Factionalism
AC1
No information.
10.05 Strategic or
Tactical Factionalism
AC1
No information.
10.86 Party
Purges
8, AC9
No evidence of any purges was found.
Involvement Variables, 11.01-11.06
11.01 Membership
Requirements
2, AC5
Our consultant advises that the CSV has a dues paying requirement.
It is not clear if the members are also registered.
11.02 Membership
Participation
AC1
No information was available to determine the average involvement
of the average party member. The literature did go so far as to
mention the existence of a group of party militants, but no
indication of its size was given.
11.03 Material
Incentives
AC1
The relationship of militants to motivation for material rewards
cannot be determined. However, the Democratic Party charges that
the nomination process in the party is not an open activity since
sons and nephews of party leaders are frequently involved in a
disproportionate way.
11.04 Purposive
Incentives
AC1
No information.
11.05
Doctrinism
1, AC4
The party does nave a strong press which produces information that
contains party doctrine. However, it is not certain how often the
literature is referred to 8y the party. Other parties refer quite
frequently to one writer (whose initials are M.F.) when they
criticize the party beliefs. Our consultant says that the
editorials of the Luxemberger Wort were guidelines for the party
members. But they did not express a doctrine. The doctrine was
officially to be found in the encyclicals of the Catholic
Church.