The "ac" code is for "adequacy-confidence"--a
data
quality measure ranging from 0 (low) to 9
(high)
Institutionalization Variables,
1.01-1.06
1.01 year of origin and 1.02 name
changes
1948, AC5
0, AC5
The People's Party for Freedom and
Democracy, frequently called the Liberal Party, has some claim to
a 19th century origin, but it is interpreted here to be a post-war
creation. Although a number of "liberals" in parliament during the
mid-1800s often socialized together and usually voted alike, there
was no official party formed until 1884, when the Liberal Union
was formed to counter the influence of clerical parties. This
party, however, soon split into progressive and conservative
wings. The more radical elements formed a separate party, the
Liberal Democratic Union in 1901, and it was this "Liberal Party"
which merged into the Dutch Labor Party in 1946. The more
conservative elements had previously broken away from the Liberal
Union in 1894 , leaving the Liberal Union largely to the
moderates. In 1921, these conservative (or "independent") liberals
and the moderates recombined into the Liberal State Party, which
emerged after the war as the Party of Freedom, winning some seats
in the 1946 election. In 1948, the Party of Freedom merged with
the Liberal Democrats, who had recently bolted from the Labor
Party, to form the People's Party for Freedom and Democracy. Some
scholars consider this party to be a continuation of the Liberal
State Party, which would fix its origin at 1921. Because the Party
of Freedom and the Liberal Democrats had approximately the same
number of seats before the merger, however, we count the result as
a new party and fix its origin at 1948.
1.03 organizational
discontinuity
0, AC5
Under our conception of the origin of the
VVD, the party experienced no significant splits or mergers during
our time period.
1.04 leadership competition
11, AC7
D.U.Stikker was leader of the Freedom Party
and P.J.Oud was leader of the Liberal Democrats when they merged
to form the People's Party for Freedom and Democracy in 1948.
Stikker became the chairman of this new party and Oud the
vice-chairman. But Stikker and Oud clashed over the Netherlands'
policy toward Indonesia, for which Stikker shared responsibility
as foreign minister. In a showdown parliamentary vote in 1951, the
liberals voted to censure Stikker, and Oud subsequently became
party chairman. From the information in our files, it appears that
he remained party chairman throughout our time period.
1.05 legislative instability
Instability is .18, AC9
Legislative representation of the Liberal
Party increased rather steadily from 8 percent in 1950 to 13
percent in 1962.
1.06 electoral instability
Instability is .13, AC9
In the elections of 1952, 1956, and 1959,
the liberal vote ranged from 9 to 12 percent of the
total.
Governmental Status Variables,
2.01-2.07
2.01 government discrimination
0, AC6
There is no evidence suggesting any acts of
government discrimination either in favor of or against the VVD,
and our consultant advises that there were none.
2.02 governmental leadership
0 out of 7 for 1950-56, AC9
0 out of 6 for 1957-62, AC9
The office of prime minister was filled by
a member of the Labor Party from 1950 to 1959 and by a catholic
from 1959 to 1963.
2.03 cabinet participation
3 out of 7 for 1950-56, AC9
4 out of 6 for 1957-62, AC9
The VVD participated in cabinet coalitions
from 1950 to September, 1952, seating one member of the cabinet in
these years. The party again joined in coalition in may, 1959,
seating three liberals, and continued participation in coalition
through 1962.
2.04 national participation
4, AC6
Based on a 1956 survey (sample size was
1234), the Liberal Party's average deviation of votes from the
population distribution is 10.25. The Liberal Party draws support
from virtually every region, but very little from the south or
east. The party is strong in the north and west
regions.
2.05 legislative strength
Strength is .09 for 1950-56, AC9, and .12
for 1957-62 , AC9
Legislative representation of the Liberal
Party increased rather steadily from 8 percent in 1950 to 13
percent in 1962.
2.06 electoral strength
Strength is .09 for 1950-56, AC9, and .12
for 1957-62 , AC9
In the elections of 1952, 1956, and 1959,
the liberal vote ranged from 9 to 12 percent of the
total.
2.07 outside origin
4, AC9
The Liberal Party was established in 1948
as a result of a merger between two groups of liberals then seated
in parliament.
Issue Orientation Variables, 5.01-5.15
5.01 ownership of means of
production
3, AC7
The VVD opposes nationalization of
industries and property, and has proposed the return of some
nationalized areas to the private domain. The party is in favor of
increasing the availability of property ownership and opposes
large monopolies in order to enhance the economic climate for free
enterprise and private ownership.
5.02 government role in economic
planning
2, AC5
The VVD opposed government economic
planning, with the exception of temporary wage and price controls.
When the party entered the 1959 cabinet coalition, the government
withdrew somewhat from the level of economic intervention reached
under the socialist-catholic government. The party did not
advocate complete abandonment of government activity in this
area.
5.03 redistribution of wealth
1, AC8
The VVD opposes any major legislation aimed
at large scale redistribution of wealth, but supports the
graduated income tax currently in effect.
5.04 social welfare
1, AC7
While the Liberal Party prefers to leave
social welfare in the hands of private resources, it does not
oppose all government programs of social welfare. The party's
position is that such government interference is necessary only
when the private sector is unable to provide sufficient welfare
coverage. When this is the case, the VVD favors government
activity in covering these unprotected areas.
5.05 secularization of society
1, AC5
The history of the several liberal parties
is filled with animosity towards church interference with the
government. Although the liberals have supported the principle of
state aid to private schools since 1917, they have been concerned
with limiting the amounts.
5.06 support of the military
3, AC5
Since the VVD favors a strong military in
cooperation with the NATO organization in defense of Western
Europe, the party probably supports a policy of military strength
and requests for funds by the armed forces.
5.07 alignment with east-west
blocs
5, AC9
The VVD fully supports the Netherlands'
membership in NATO and favors a strong military alliance to guard
against the threat of communism.
5.08 anti-colonialism
2, AC7
The Liberal Party was distinctly
anticonciliatory concerning the disposition of Dutch colonial
possessions, and it even rebuked its own leader and foreign
minister, Stikker, in 1951 for failing to assert Dutch sovereignty
over her claims in the pacific, notably New Guinea. The issue of
independence for New Guinea was complicated by Indonesia's claims
to the territory, and thus a policy of self-determination was, in
one light, a means to forestall New Guinea's loss to Indonesia.
The liberals fought to retain Dutch control as long as possible
but finally acquiesced in the 1962 agreement which transferred New
Guinea to Indonesia.
5.09 supranational integration
3, AC7
The political, economic, and military unity
of Europe is sought by most parties in the Netherlands, including
the VVD. The Liberal Party supports the common market and favors
the strengthening of the united nations.
5.10 national integration
1, AC6
There is some indication that the VVD would
like to see some decentralization of government power.
5.11 electoral participation
5, AC5
In the late 19th and early 20th centuries,
the extension of the franchise was a major issue in Dutch
politics. At the beginning of this period , the liberals resisted
pressures to extend the franchise (witness the implications of the
1878 elementary education act), while both the Catholics and
orthodox protestants sought political mobilization through
expanded suffrage. Later, this issue helped divide the liberals
into progressive and conservative wings. Many scholars believe
that the enactment of universal manhood suffrage in 1917 did
indeed dilute the liberal's narrow electoral base and insure the
minority status of subsequent liberal parties. But during our time
period, the issue of extension of the franchise had been
essentially settled, with liberals accepting the condition of
universal suffrage.
5.12 protection of civil rights
AC2
No information.
5.13 interference with civil
liberties
5, AC9
The VVD recognizes freedom of expression
and has supported government policy in favor of such freedom. The
party does not own its own media, and generally the VVD is even
stronger than these parties in its support for free
media.
5.14 / 5.15 us--soviet experts left-right
ratings
US says 1, conservative
Soviets say 1, a liberal bourgeois party
which reflects the interests of part of the upper monopolistic
bourgeoisie, government officials, and the intelligentsia. The
party advocates the " inviolability of the crown," a society
founded on Christianity, freedom, and social justice, and it
rejects socialistic means of production.
Goal Orientation Variables, 6.01-6.55
6.00 open competition in the electoral
process
4, AC9
The VVD has participated enthusiastically
in every election during our time period, and seems to rely
exclusively upon open competition in the electoral system in order
to place its representatives in positions of power.
6.10 restricting party
competition
0, AC8
There is no information which would suggest
that the VVD is oriented towards restricting competition as part
of their strategy.
6.20 subverting the political
system
0, AC8
There is no information suggesting that the
Liberal Party is oriented towards subverting the political system.
The Liberal Party owns a large share of the credit for creating
the political system in the 1800's.
6.30 propagandizing ideas and
program
6.31--0, AC4. While the VVD does not own or
operate mass communications media, there exist liberal media which
are supported by the party and probably run by VVD members or
supporters.
6.32--0, AC5. No information would lead us
to suspect the operation of party schools by the VVD.
6.33--2, AC4. The VVD has published
platforms and resolutions in the past, and since this activity
seems common among parties that openly compete, the VVD most
probably performs this activity rather regularly.
6.34--2, AC4. The VVD probably performs
this activity quite often.
6.50 providing for welfare of party
members
* no information
Autonomy Variables, 7.01-7.05
7.01 sources of funds
1 (sector 04), AC6
Approximately 70 percent of the funds
available to the VVD are derived from contributions, most of the
remainder from membership dues. Since the VVD is strongly
supported by business and a great number of its members are
probably from the business sector, it is most probable that
two-thirds of the party's funds comes from the business
sector.
7.02 source of members
5, AC6
The VVD does not have a large membership
and does not operate any ancillary organizations itself. Our
consultant confirms our judgment that the party has no indirect
members.
7.03 sources of leaders
1 (sector 04), AC6
It seems that the bulk of the party's
leadership originates from a business background. This conclusion
is sensible since the party represents the interests of
businessmen.
7.04 relations with domestic
parties
7 for 1st half, AC5
4 for 2nd half, AC5
The VVD participated in government
parliamentary alliances through 1952, and again from 1959 to 1962.
Since the party was not in any alliance during most of the 1st
half, but in alliance most of the 2nd half, the first half is
coded as if the party was independent and the second half as in
the alliances.
7.05 relations with foreign
organizations
4, AC6
The VVD is a member of the Liberal International, but is virtually
independent since the organization does not dictate policy to its
members.
Organizational Complexity Variables, 8.01-8.07
8.01 structural articulation
AC2
While evidence suggests the existence of
national party organs, no information is available in our file
concerning their selection procedures nor functional
responsibilities.
8.02 intensiveness of
organization
AC1
No information in our files.
8.03 extensiveness of
organization
AC1
No information in our files.
8.04 frequency of local
meetings
AC1
No information in our files.
8.05 frequency of national
meetings
AC1
No information in our files.
8.06 maintaining records
9, AC5
The VVD expends some energies in supporting
liberal media and in publishing propaganda and platforms. There is
no mention of any party archive to serve as an institutionalized
organization resource. Since the VVD collects membership dues and
figures concerning membership size are available, the party
probably maintains good membership lists.
8.07 pervasiveness of
organization
10, AC8
The VVD has penetrated some socioeconomic
sectors, such as business and agrarian, and the party can claim
many adherents (especially in business), but the party does not
have a great deal of control over these organizations since they
are independent of the party.
Organizational Power Variables, 9.01-9.08
9.01 nationalization of
structure
4, AC4
The VVD contains some national party
organs, such as the executive committee, congress, and
parliamentary group, and there is a mention of a party "machine"
suggesting local organizations. It is mentioned that the executive
committee and the parliamentary group split between Oud and
Stikker and fought for control of the party, but after 1952 the
two groups were united under the same chairman, Oud.
9.02 selecting the national
leader
AC1
No information in our files.
9.03 selecting parliamentary
candidates
7, AC4
The selection of parliamentary candidates
seems to be the duty of the executive committee with the approval
of the party congress, but our information file contains no
explicit information on the process.
9.04 allocating funds
AC1
No information in our file.
9.05 formulating policy
6, AC3
Most policies seem to originate either in
the executive committee or the parliamentary group.
9.06 controlling communications
0, AC5
The VVD does not have any direct or really
effective control over any of the liberal media.
9.07 administering discipline
0, AC8
The party apparently has no means of
administering discipline other than exclusion from
candidacy.
9.08 leadership concentration
2, AC3
Oud seemed to dominate party policy making,
especially after 1952. But there is no evidence stating that Oud
was authoritatively binding as a spokesman, and other party
leaders, especially Stikker before 1953, often spoke for the
party.
Coherence Variables, 10.01-10.06
10.01 legislative cohesion
.90, AC5
Members of the VVD usually vote together as
a block on most important bills. However this is not mandatory
except when party doctrine dictates it as so. Therefore, in many
minor bills, the party finds members with dissenting
votes.
10.02 ideological factionalism
1, AC5
Discussion of party ideology is probably
allowed, but there is little disagreement with the main principle,
that "freedom" overrides socialism.
10.03 issue factionalism
5, AC8
The split in the party over the question of
New Guinea created factions led by Oud and Stikker. Oud's faction
probably contained a majority of the party, but Stikker's faction
was considerable.
10.04 leadership factionalism
5, AC8
The Oud-Stikker fight for control over the
party created two large factions. See 10.03.
10.05 strategic or tactical
factionalism
0, AC3
There is no information suggesting any
factions within the VVD concerning strategy or tactics, nor any
basis for the creation of such factions .
10.06 party purges
0 for 1st half, AC5
0 for 2nd half, AC5
There is no mention of any involuntary
departure from the VVD during our time period or
otherwise.
Involvement Variables, 11.01-11.06
11.01 membership requirements
3, AC4
Members of the VVD are required to pay
dues, and there exists a source of party membership size.
Therefore it is probable that a member must register with the
party.
11.02 membership participation
AC2
There is little mention of party
activities, and it is impossible to discern the modal type of
membership participation.
11.03 material incentives
1, AC5
Since many supporters of the VVD are civil
servants and businessmen, material incentives in the form of
government contracts, civil servant jobs, and patronage jobs are
probably important as a motivating force to militants.
11.04 purposive incentives
1, AC5
Since the VVD favors freedom in business,
European unity, and non-religious politics, purposive incentives
are probably important to militants.
11.05 doctrinism
1, AC6
The program of principles published in 1948
is considered to be party doctrine and references to it are
occasional.
11.06 personalism
1, AC3
Since the VVD was led by a charismatic
leader, in Oud, and also by a very personable Stikker, it is
likely that some militants were motivated by
personalism.