The "ac" code is for "adequacy-confidence"--a
data
quality measure ranging from 0 (low) to 9
(high)
Party Name and Code Number
Swedish Right Party, commonly called
Conservative Party, changed in 1969 to Moderate Unity Party,
244
Hogerpartiet changed in 1969 to Moderata
Samlingspartiet.
Information Base and
Researchers
The information base for party politics in
Sweden consists of 575 pages indexed from 54 documents, with 187
pages or 33 percent pertaining to the Conservative Party. Jean
Jacobsohn indexed the literature for retrieval. Eve Harris coded
the variables.
Institutionalization Variables,
1.01-1.06
1.01 Year of Origin and 1.02 Name
Changes
1904, AC9
0, AC9
The Conservative Party was formed in 1904
upon the amalgamation of several conservative groups into a
national political association, the General Electoral Association.
The party kept the same name throughout our period of interest,
but in 1969 the name was changed from the Right (or Right-Wing)
Party to the Moderate Unity Party.
1.03 Organizational
Discontinuity
0, AC9
In the absence of any hint of splits or
mergers in the literature, the conclusion seems to be that there
were none.
1.04 Leadership Competition
10, AC7
The Conservative Party was led by the same
person through most of our time period. Jarl Hjalmarson became the
party leader in 1950 and lasted until 1961, when he was replaced
by Gunnar Heckscher. There is no discussion about the conditions
under which either Hjalmarson or Heckscher assumed leadership. But
Heckscher himself lasted only until 1965, when he announced his
resignation in advance of the party congress. Such short tenure is
unusual for the democratic parties in Sweden, for the other three
parties retained the same leaders since the 1940's. There were
rumors of a split and power struggle within the party forcing out
Heckscher after the party's poor showing in the 1964
elections.
1.05 / 2.05 Legislative Instability and
Strength
Instability is .17, AC8
Strength is .13 for 1st half, AC7, and .18
for 2nd half, AC9
Representation of the Conservative Party in
the Riksdag increased fairly steadily throughout our time period
from a low of 10 percent of the seats to a high of 20 percent in
1958. It then experienced a slight drop to 17 percent in
1960.
1.06 / 2.06 Electoral Instability and
Strength
Instability is .09, AC9
Strength is .15 for 1st half, AC9, and .18
for 2nd half, AC9
In the elections of 1952, 1956, 1958, and
1960, the conservative percentage of the vote ranged from 14 to 20
percent.
Governmental Status Variables,
2.01-2.07
2.01 Government Discrimination
0 for 1st half, AC9
0 for 2nd half, AC9
There does not seem to be any substantial
discrimination aimed at the Conservative Party by the government
during our period. Indeed, even the Communist Party did not
encounter serious governmental opposition to its actions as a
party.
2.02 Governmental Leadership
0 out of 7 for 1st half, AC9
0 out of 6 for 2nd half, AC9
The Conservative Party never enjoyed
holding the office of Prime Minister.
2.03 Cabinet Participation
0 out of 7 for 1st half, AC9
0 out of 6 for 2nd half, AC9
The Conservatives not only failed to obtain
governmental leadership, but they never participated in the
government.
2.04 National Participation
5, AC7
Conservative strength is identified as
coming from Vastergotland, Stockholm, and Malmo. But it is also
mentioned that sectional or regional parties are unknown in
Sweden. Unfortunately, there is no breakdown of party votes by
regions in our file, so precise deviations of proportions of vote
from proportions of the population cannot be
calculated.
2.07 Outside Origin
4, AC6
The Conservative Party was formed from several groups of
conservatives in the Riksdag who established a national political
association in 1904.
Issue Orientation Variables, 5.01-5.15
5.01 Ownership of Means of
Production
3, AC9
The Conservatives stand clearly in
opposition to the nationalization policies of the Social
Democrats. The party favors the protection of private industry,
free enterprise, and opposes the extension of state controls. But
the party conceded that there may be some justification for
government ownership and regulation in certain
instances.
5.02 Government Role in Economic
Planning
3, AC9
Opposition to state planning and control is
characteristic of the Conservative Party, which regards expansion
of the public sector as threatening to democracy and individual
liberty.
5.03 Redistribution of Wealth
3, AC9
Reduction of taxation is one of the main
planks of the conservative platform. It is argued that reduced
taxes will encourage private initiative and private
enterprise.
5.04 Social Welfare
1, AC9
The Conservatives accept some features of
the welfare state, recognizing that the state should provide for
minimum levels of subsistence. But the party has fought the
elaboration of the welfare state, favoring voluntary rather
compulsory programs. In particular, it opposed the supplementary
pension program proposed by the government.
5.05 Secularization of Society
3, AC9
Support of the state church and retention
of instruction in Christianity within the schools have been
features of the conservative program.
5.06 Support of the Military
4, AC8
The Conservatives clearly favor a strong
defense and are supportive of military expenditures in competition
with much domestic expenditure, but perhaps not at the rate of
spending characterized by the larger powers. The party also
favored lengthening the period of military service and stockpiling
strategic material.
5.07 Alignment with East-West
Blocs
1, AC9
There is a clear preference for the Western
over the Eastern bloc in party statements, but the party agrees
with others that Sweden should not become involved with any great
power alliance.
5.08 Anti-Colonialism
AC1
There is no indication of the party's
position on the issue of Anti- Colonialism, and it would be
hazardous to score this party for there may well be latent
opinions on the issue.
5.09 Supranational Integration
3, AC9
The Conservatives were once opposed to
entrance in the UN but changed to support it. The party has pushed
for other forms of international integration, favoring
strengthening EFTA, entering into more collaboration with
Scandinavian countries, and promoting Sweden's entrance into the
EEC.
5.10 National Integration
AC1
No information.
5.11 Electoral Participation
AC2
Initially, the Conservatives opposed
electoral reforms, but there is no information on its position
concerning lowering the voting age during our time
period.
5.12 Protection of Civil Rights
AC1
No information.
5.13 Interference with Civil
Liberties
3, AC6
Our literature file is silent on this
issue, but our consultant advises that the party favored freedom
of expression.
5.14 / 5.15 US--Soviet Experts Left-Right
Ratings
US says 1, conservative
Soviets say 1; it represents the interests
of large industrial and financial capital. The party is composed
mainly of representatives of the upper industrial-financial
bourgeoisie, landowners, upper ranks of the army and navy, and
high government officials. The party program of 1956 advocates the
democracy of private ownership founded on free enterprise. It is
the only party to support the continuation of the
monarchy.
Goal Orientation Variables, 6.01-6.55
6.00 Open Competition in the Electoral
Process
4, AC9
The Conservatives consistently adhered to a
policy of electoral competition, even through the party's strength
declined rather steadily from the 1930's to the
1960's.
6.10 Restricting Party
Competition
0, AC9
The Conservatives were never in a position
to restrict competition, and the party is not so inclined in any
event.
6.20 Subverting the Political
System
0, AC9
Subversion was not a part of Conservative
Party strategy.
6.30 Propagandizing Ideas and
Program
6.31--0, AC6. There is conflicting
information. One source says that no parties operate newspapers.
Another says that the Conservative have a strong press, with the
largest newspapers being the Svenska Dagbladet and the Sydsvenska
Dagbladet. These and other papers probably favor the conservative
but are not run by the party. Our consultant has endorsed this
interpretation.
6.32--AC1. No information.
6.33--2, AC4. One source credits Swedish
parties with passing resolutions and statements.
6.34--2, AC4. By implication, the
Conservative Party is scored as publishing numerous position
papers, for allSwedish parties are said to engage in this
activity.
6.50 Providing for Welfare of Party
Members
6.51--0, AC3. There was no mention of the
Conservative Party providing these services, which have been
assumed by the state in Sweden.
6.52 and 6.53--0, AC6. Our consultant
reports that the Conservatives did not operate employment services
nor intercede with the government on behalf of individual
citizens.
6.54--1, AC4. One-source mentions that all
Swedish Parties conduct adult education classes and the
Conservatives are thus expected to provide for some basic
education through implication.
6.55--1, AC4. It was also mentioned that
all parties sponsor social activities and provide recreational
facilities for their members. The conservatives are included by
implication.
Autonomy Variables, 7.01-7.05
7.01 Sources of Funds
1 (sector 04), AC3
One study indicates that the conservatives
obtain less than 10 percent of their funds from party dues and
that the remainder comes from contributions, but there is no
discussion of the sources of these contributions. Because the
party promotes business interests and because the other parties
have largely locked up support from labor, farmers, and the
professional classes, it is assumed that the Conservatives get
about 2/3 of their funds from business and commercial interests.
But better data are clearly needed.
7.02 Source of Members
5, AC9
It is said that approximately 1/3 of
conservative voters are party members. It appears that none of
these members are affiliated to the party through other
organizations.
7.03 Sources of Leaders
AC1.
Information is available on the backgrounds
of individual party leaders, but there is no survey of the
backgrounds of conservative leaders as a group.
7.04 Relations with Domestic
Parties
5, AC5
The Conservatives joined an opposition bloc
to the Social Democrats throughout our time period, first with the
Liberals in opposition to the Social Democratic and Farmer
Coalition, and then with the Farmers as well, who split from the
governing coalition. The Communists have not been included in this
opposition group of bourgeois parties. There is no discussion of
the interaction of parties in this bloc.
7.05 Relations with Foreign
Organizations
5, AC7
This is really not known for sure, for
there is no discussion in the literature about Conservatives'
affiliation with any international group. This alone is some
evidence that the Conservatives have no international grouping to
which the party might belong--the liberal international is
pre-empted by the Liberal Party and the Christian Democratic
Organization is mainly a Catholic grouping, which is not the place
for a party that supports the State Lutheran Church. The Socialist
International is also an unlikely possibility.
Organizational Complexity Variables,
8.01-8.07
8.01 Structural Articulation
10, AC6
The Conservatives have a national party
congress of 100 to 400 delegates every two years and an interyear
convention of representatives from each of the twenty-some
districts. There is a National Committee and a Parliamentary Party
Organization. Little information exists on the selection
procedures for membership in the various national organs, but they
are assumed to be fairly clearly prescribed. The functions of the
various bodies are not at all clear, however.
8.02 Intensiveness of
Organization
4, AC5
There is no discussion of local party
organization of the Conservative Party in particular. All parties
are said to have a local organization at a level below that of the
district, within which riksdag deputies are elected. By
implication, the Conservatives must have between 1,000 and 3,000
such local organizations. Dividing into the total population of
Sweden produces a level of organization about equal to a branch
basis, with more than 1,000 but less than 50,000 voters per
local.
8.03 Extensiveness of
Organization
5, AC3
All Swedish parties are said to be active
throughout the country. But the Conservatives are not strong in
voting strength throughout the country, so it is assumed that the
party organizations, while spread throughout the land, do not
cover the country thoroughly. Additional information could
obviously alter the code.
8.04 Frequency of Local
Meetings
3, AC4
One source says that most local
organizations in Swedish parties hold at least one meeting a year.
No information is available for the Conservative Party in
particular.
8.05 Frequency of National
Meetings
AC2
We know that the Party Congress meets every
other year with a smaller convention of district representatives
in the interim years, but there is no discussion of the frequency
of meetings for the National Committee itself.
8.06 Maintaining Records
5, AC5
Every party is said to publish a variety of
party documents, including magazines. No periodical publications
are named for the Conservatives, although the party does enjoy the
support of a press second in circulation only to that supporting
the Liberals. There is no evidence of the party supporting an
archive or research division, and membership lists are thought to
be only average.
8.07 Pervasiveness of
Organization
5, AC8
The party's youth group is said to involve
some 40,000 and its women's organization another 55,000.
Therefore, its youth and women's organizations are stronger than
the Liberal's groups.
Organizational Power Variables, 9.01-9.08
9.01 Nationalization of
Structure
4, AC5
Again, there is no discussion of the
Conservative Party in particular. There is a definite hierarchy,
but the Parliamentary party does not appear to be subordinate to
the national organs.
9.02 Selecting the National
Leader
5, AC5
The Party Congress does perform a role in
selecting the national leader. But it appears that the Congress
may basically ratify a choice already made within the National
Committee. Further information would be illuminating.
9.03 Selecting Parliamentary
Candidates
3, AC9
The local organizations definitely do
engage in the selection of Parliamentary candidates, but the
participation comes mainly through the local leaders rather than
through the rank and file.
9.04 Allocating Funds
2, AC5
All parties in Sweden are characterized as
collecting funds locally and transferring the bulk of the funds
upward to the national level for distribution.
9.05 Formulating Policy
5, AC5
Of course the Parliamentary Executive
Committee of the party engaged in policy making in its daily
decisions, but the Party Congress does appear to have a major role
in the formulation of major party policy.
9.06 Controlling Communications
0, AC6
According to the contention that no parties
in Sweden control any newspapers, the Conservative Party does not
operate any important communications media as a party
organization.
9.07 Administering Discipline
0, AC4
What disciplinary techniques that there are
come through the Parliamentary party organization in the form of
bestowing or denying positions of prestige and influence within
the Riksdag available to the party. But this appears to come most
informally.
9.08 Leadership Concentration
3, AC5
The Conservatives had more leaders during
our period than any of the other Swedish parties. The party
definitely did not appear to be a one-man show, but there was
leadership exercised at the national level through the National
Executive Committee and the Parliamentary Executives, both of
which are headed by the party chairman as a matter of
course.
Coherence Variables, 10.01-10.06
10.01 Legislative Cohesion
.80, AC3
There is really no information in the file
about Riksdag votes by the Conservatives, but there are vague
references to the cohesiveness of the party, but not complete
cohesiveness.
10.02 Ideological Factionalism
2, AC5
One source notes that toward the end of our
time period, a group within the party tried to shed its old
reactionary image by focusing instead on social problems that come
from new technology and modern society, but this was not referred
to specifically as a faction.
10.03 Issue Factionalism
AC1
No information.
10.04 Leadership Factionalism
1, AC5
Leadership questions are surely open to
discussion within the Conservative Party, but they seem not to
have spawned lasting factions.
10.05 Strategic or Tactical
Factionalism
1, AC6
Our consultant notes that the usual problem
has been how distinctive a profile the party shall maintain, or
whether it should adapt to the Liberals and Center Party so that
it is less distinguishable from them.
10.06 Party Purges
0, AC9
There is no place for purges in the
operating style of the Conservatives.
Involvement Variables, 11.01-11.06
11.01 Membership Requirements
3, AC7
The party is said to have about 200,000
members, and there is clear evidence of these members paying dues.
On the other hand, there is no specific discussion of membership
requirements for the party.
11.02 Membership Participation
2, AC3
It is said that 1/3 of conservative voters
are party members. While there is no direct statement that
Conservative members work actively for the party, there is a
general statement that members of all Swedish parties are indeed
involved in party activities. Most members then are judged to be
marginal, attending some activities but not being regular
participants.
11.03 Material Incentives
0, AC3
Because the Conservatives have been out of
power for so long, it seems unlikely that they can muster material
benefits for their workers.
11.04 Purposive Incentives
3, AC3
Opposition to Socialism as practiced by the
Social Democrats and the government throughout our time period is
advanced as the motivational force for most party
militants.
11.05 Doctrinism
0, AC9
The literature makes no reference to any
body of conservative doctrine that serves as an operating code for
the Conservative Party.
11.06 Personalism
0, AC9
One is fairly certain that conservative
leaders have not commanded the allegiance of party workers through
charismatic qualities.