The "ac" code is for "adequacy-confidence"--a
data
quality measure ranging from 0 (low) to 9
(high)
Institutionalization Variables,
1.01-1.06
1.01 Year of Origin and 1.02 Name
Changes
1915, AC9
0, AC9
Although the Conservative Party's roots may
be traced to the old Right (Hojre) Party, 1915 is accepted as its
date of origin as a modern popular party. This party disavowed the
goals of the old Hojre Party. There were no name
changes.
1.03 Organizational
Discontinuity
0, AC7
Although some conservative voters may have
aligned with the Independent Party, formed in 1953, the literature
does not regard this as a split in the Conservative
Party.
1.04 Leadership Competition
15, AC9
The Conservative Party elects a national
chairman who is a mere figurehead. The real leadership lies with
the Folketing group's leader who is referred to in the literature
as the "Conservative Party leader." During our time period these
leaders have been Ole Bjorn Kraft until 1955, Aksel Moller from
1955 to 1958, and Poul Sorensen from 1958 to 1962.
1.05 Legislative Instability
Instability is .03, AC8
The Conservatives never held more than 20
percent of the seats during our time period.
1.06 Electoral Instability
Instability is .03, AC8
Based on elections in 1950, 53, 57, and 60,
the party got 17 or 18 percent of the vote in each
case.
Governmental Status Variables,
2.01-2.07
2.01 Government Discrimination
0, AC9
There is no indication of government
discrimination for or against the Conservative Party. The
constitution of Denmark provides that censorship and other
preventive measure cannot be introduced and the state as such does
not publish any paper influencing public opinion.
2.02 Governmental Leadership
0 out of 7 for 1950-56, AC9
0 out of 6 for 1957-62, AC9
The Conservative Party never held government leadership during
either time period.
2.03 cabinet participation
4 out of 7 for 1950-56, AC9
0 out of 6 for 1957-62, AC9
The Conservative Party held cabinet posts
in a coalition with the Venstre party in the 1950-1953 government
of Venstre's leader, Erik Eriksen. The cabinet posts were split
about equally between Venstre and Conservative Party
members.
2.04 National Participation
6, AC8
Although the Conservatives are strongest in
the electoral region containing Copenhagen and weakest in the
Jutland region, which is primarily rural, its low deviation from
the national average allows it a score of "6."
2.05 Legislative Strength
Strength is .17 for 1950-56, AC8, and .17
for 1957-62, AC8
The Conservatives never held more than 20
percent of the seats during our time period.
2.06 Electoral Strength
Strength is .17 for 1950-56, AC8 and .17
for 1957-62, AC9
Based on elections in 1950, 53, 57, and 60,
the party got 17 or 18 percent of the vote in each
case.
2.07 Outside Origin
4, AC9
The Conservative Party arose from the Hojre
Party legislators who were members of the Folketing in the
nineteenth century.
Issue Orientation Variables, 5.01-5.15
5.01 Ownership of Means of
Production
5, AC9
Although this code best describes the
Conservative Party's stand on this issue, there is no mention in
the literature of the party "urging repeal of present
regulations."
5.02 Government Role in Economic
Planning
5, AC9
The Conservative Party vigorously defends
private enterprise. It feels that the state should both protect
property rights and demand that property rights exercise their
responsibilities to the society. The party has never had to put
their program into practice so they are scored only on their
policy.
5.03 Redistribution of Wealth
1, AC8
The Conservative Party has opposed
legislation that would erode the differences between poor and rich
and has proposed legislation favorable to high income groups.
However, in Denmark there are no extreme inequalities in wealth
and the Conservative Party does not seem to favor repeal of
existing egalitarian legislation.
5.04 Social Welfare
3, AC9
The Conservative Party accepts Denmark's
system of mixed voluntary and compulsory social welfare. There is
evidence, however, that the Conservative Party does not desire
increased welfare legislation.
5.05 Secularization of Society
3, AC9
All parties, including the Conservative
Party, seem to support the recognition of the Evangelical Lutheran
Church as the national church and accept state aid and support of
it. Other religions are legally practiced in Denmark, and the
state's laws are not based on religious prescription.
5.06 Support of the Military
3, AC6
In program and practice the Conservative
Party has advocated a strong defense (Thomas,
1973--45).
5.07 Alignment With East-West
Blocs
5, AC9
The Conservative Party supports Danish
membership in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization.
5.08 Anti-colonialism
3 for 1st half, AC9
0 for 2nd half, AC9
The Conservative Party supported the 1953
constitution which incorporated Greenland and the Faroe Islands
into Denmark, thus ending all Danish colonial
territory.
5.09 Supranational Integration
1, AC9
The Conservative Party favored Danish
membership in both the European Free Trade Association and the
Common Market (EEC) if Britain joined. Although these units did
not exist prior to 1957, Danish membership in OECC and the desire
to enter a free trade association did.
5.10 National Integration
0, AC7
The general homogeneity of the Danish
population makes this variable basically irrelevant for Denmark
proper. The Faroe Islands and Greenland, however, which are a part
of the "Danish realm" (since 1953) have special seats reserved for
them in the Folketing (national legislature) and have their own
respective governors and legislators.
5.11 Electoral Participation
5, AC9
The Conservative Party has supported
universal suffrage with a voting age of 21.
5.12 protection of civil rights
5, AC9
There is no evidence in the literature that
the parties disagree on this issue. It is, therefore, considered a
settled issue. The constitution of 1953 provides for the
protection of civil rights of all Danish citizens.
5.13 interference with civil
liberties
5, AC9
The Conservative Party supported the 1953
constitution which provided for complete freedom of expression,
including the press. Individuals may, however, be held responsible
for libel or slander. Television and radio are strictly
nonpartisan, but parties are allowed to express opinions on an
equal time basis. Each of the parties publishes several
newspapers. The parties do not seem to disagree on this
issue.
5.14 / 5.15 US--Soviet Experts Left-Right
Ratings
US says 1, conservative
Soviets say 1, represents the interests of
industrial and financial capital and also major landowners and
upper civil servants.
Goal Orientation Variables, 6.01-6.55
6.00 Open Competition in the Electoral
Process
4, AC9
All evidence within the literature
indicates that the Conservative Party relies exclusively on open
competition in the electoral process. The party has competed in
every election since their formation in 1915 and have (as the
minor party in a coalition with Venstre) accepted and relinquished
government power without incident.
6.10 Restricting Party
Competition
0, AC9
The Conservative Party relies exclusively
on open competition in the electoral process.
6.20 Subverting the Political
System
0, AC9
The Conservative Party relies exclusively
on open competition in the electoral process.
6.30 Propagandizing Ideas and
Program
6.31--2, AC9.
The Conservative Party owns and/or operates
several newspapers including the following daily
newspapers--Berlingske Tidende, National Tidende, Randers
Amtsavis, Uyllandsposten.
6.32--2, AC9.
The Conservative Party operates "party
schools" in the sense that they have civic training centers for
party workers and other adults with courses of political and
nonpolitical content. In addition, courses are taught in the
people's high schools by the party and courses are offered in the
auxillary branches of the party. The party sponsors a national
educational body called the popular educational
association.
6.33--2, AC8.
The Conservative Party passes electoral
platforms and programs.
6.34--2, AC8.
The Conservative Party publishes its party
program after adoption by the party's national
council.
6.50 Providing for Welfare of Party
Members
6.51--0, AC3.
The literature does not mention the
Conservative Party engaging in this activity, although many other
activities are cited. It is assumed that in Denmark, which has a
very comprehensive welfare system administered by the government,
such activities by the parties would be superfluous.
6.52--0, AC3.
The literature does not mention the
Conservative Party engaging in this activity, although many other
activities are cited. It is assumed that in Denmark, where
unemployment is negligible, and employment services are provided
by the state, such activities by the parties are superfluous.
Since many of the party's constituents are businessmen who have
their own interest group organizations, it is unlikely that the
party is called upon to perform this service.
6.53--1, AC3.
Although the literature makes no mention of
the Conservative Party engaging in this activity, it seems
reasonable that in a society with a comprehensive welfare system,
covering most aspects of an individual's life, the party would
occasionally aid an individual in securing the attention of one of
the various agencies to his needs.
6.54--2, AC9.
The Conservative Party sponsors a
nationwide educational body known as the popular educational
association which offers nonpolitical courses.
6.55--0, AC3.
It is possible that the Conservative Party does engage in this
activity as there is one reference that states "the parties and
their affiliates sponsor boy scout groups and summer camps."
However, there is strong evidence for other parties that they
frequently perform recreational services while there is only this
one vague reference to the conservatives. Conceived in another
way, the party provides recreational facilities through its
ancillary organizations, e.g., Youth groups, women's groups,
etc.
Autonomy Variables, 7.01-7.05
7.0 Sources of Funds
3 (sector 04), AC8
Many sources document large contributions
to the Conservative Party by the employers" association and the
industrial council. However, it is only this coder's educated
guess that this amount is between 1/3 and 2/3 of the party's
support. The remaining support comes from membership dues,
individual contributions, and dues from Conservative Folketing
members. However, if consideration is taken of the fact that most
members are from the business sector and that most individual
contributions are from businessmen, then it could be said that 2/3
or more of the party's support is from the business
sector.
7.02 Source of Members
5 (sector 04), AC9
Although the Conservative Party draws a
great amount of support from businessmen, they do not
automatically gain members who are affiliated with business
economic groups. Party membership is entirely
voluntary.
7.03 Sources of Leaders
2 (sectors 0403), AC7
Further documentation of this code is
desirable. It is evident that businessmen predominate in the
party's upper ranks and that one national leader, Kraft, was a
journalist. Traditionally the party was supported by the large
landowners and now receives much electoral support from white
collar workers.
7.04 Relations With Domestic
Parties
2, AC9
The Conservative Party participated, as the
weaker member, in a two-party coalition with the Venstre Party
from 1950-1953. From 1953-1962 the Conservatives, still as weaker
member, were in overt parliamentary alliance with Venstre and in
tacit electoral alliance in some areas.
7.05 Relations With Foreign Organizations,
AC6
One source suggests that the Conservative
Party is a member of an international organization of like-minded
parties but that this membership does not affect national policy
decisions but is solely for an information exchanging
purpose.
Organizational Complexity Variables,
8.01-8.07
8.01 Structural Articulation
11, AC9
The most important administrative agency of
the Conservative Party is the parliamentary (Folketing) group. The
basic governing organs are the 1) representative assembly--300 to
500 members, 2) the national council--900 to 1, 100 members, 3)
national executive with 65 members and its administrative
committee. All membership on these bodies is by prescribed
selection.
8.02 Intensiveness of
Organization
5, AC8
The Conservative Party's smallest units of
organization are based on municipal subdivisions or even smaller
units.
8.03 Extensiveness of
Organization
6, AC6
Because the Conservative Party competes in
all districts during elections and the candidates are selected by
the local party units, it is assumed that coverage is rather
thorough. The electoral data for the Conservative Party indicates
that its strength in the three electoral regions is relatively
equal.
8.04 Frequency of Local
Meetings
AC1
The local units of the Conservative Party
must logically meet at least once a year to select representatives
to higher party organs such as the party council and nominating
districts. These units probably meet monthly, but in the entire
literature retrieved there is no mention of the local
meetings.
8.05 Frequency of National
Meetings
5, AC8
The national executive of the Conservative
Party meets six or more times a year--it may meet monthly with the
Folketing group to discuss important political
matters.
8.06 Maintaining Records
16, AC7
The Conservative Party was scored as
follows--"2" because of publication of party newspapers--"6" for
the press and information section of the Conservative Party
organization--"8" for party lists which are presumed to be of good
quality because all members must register and are assessed dues on
the basis of registration records.
8.07 Pervasiveness of
Organization
3, AC8
The Conservative Party sponsors a youth
organization (Konservativ Ungdom) and a women's committee which
have not enlisted large proportions of their sectors but which are
"highly" controlled by the party. Several groups affiliated with
business interests work directly to support and help the party.
These are not ancillary organizations. However, in a party system
such as Denmark's where the parties generally represent a
particular socioeconomic sector's interests and is largely
composed of individuals from those sectors, it would seem
irrelevant to have an auxiliary group composed of the same
element.
Organizational Power Variables, 9.01-9.08
9.01 Nationalization of
Structure
6, AC9
The Conservative Party has a discernible
party hierarchy in which the national executive acts directly on
the local (constituency and county) organizations, bypassing the
regional organizations. The actual "power" resides in the
Folketing group, whose decisions are communicated down through the
party hierarchy by the national executive.
9.02 Selecting the National
Leader
4, AC9
Leadership for the Conservative Party lies
within the Folketing and this group selects its own leader. The
national chairman, chosen by the representative assembly, is
generally a different individual than the folketing leader and is
a mere figurehead.
9.03 Selecting Parliamentary
Candidates
5, AC9
Although the official rules of the
Conservative Party state that the local organizations have
complete control of the selection of candidates, the national
executive may, albeit infrequently, exert unofficial control over
the process, generally in the form of refusal to accept a
particular candidate or type of candidate.
9.04 Allocating Funds
6, AC6
Although the literature describes the
sources of the Conservative Party's funds, it does not adequately
explain collection and distribution procedures. It is assumed from
the fact that the national organization collects funds that it
also dispenses funds. A large amount of contributions went
directly to the party press, bypassing the regular organization.
Lesser amounts are collected and distributed by the legislative
party-group.
9.05 Formulating Policy
6, AC9
In the Conservative Party it is the
parliamentary party-group which determines policy positions. The
executive committee may "vote" on such decisions at times, but it
is a gesture only.
9.06 Controlling Communications
7, AC9
The Conservative Party press, which
publishes daily and periodical newspapers throughout Denmark, is
represented on the highest official levels of the party, and the
party's leaders are members of the papers' editorial staff.
However, Dagens Nyheder, which faithfully followed the party's
policy until its demise in 1961 and which was recognized as the
equivalent of an official organ of the party, was owned by two
employers' interest groups--the employer's confederation and the
federation of Danish industries.
9.07 Administering Discipline
3, AC9
The parliamentary organization of the
Conservative Party administers most discipline to members. Such
discipline may include exclusion from committees or other posts,
being kept from speakerships, or loss of campaign funds. Expulsion
is possible but almost unknown.
9.08 Leadership Concentration
3, AC7
Leadership in the Conservative Party rests
with the parliamentary group chairman. His decisions are accepted
by the parliamentary group. In turn, the parliamentary group's
decisions are accepted by the party as a whole.
Coherence Variables, 10.01-10.06
10.01 Legislative Cohesion
.95, AC7
The above figure for the cohesiveness of
the Conservative Party parliamentary group is an approximation.
The literature declares it to be a highly cohesive party but few
writers provide quantitative data. However, out of 1,049 divisions
between 1953-1963 there were only 27 instances where one or two
Conservative Folketing members voted against the majority of the
party and only 25 instances where more than two did
so.
10.02 Ideological Factionalism
0, AC9
Ideological factionalism is absent in the
Danish Conservative Party. To paraphrase David Booth, the Danish
electoral system encourages factions to break away and form a new
party. The Conservative Party's limited opportunities in
parliament demanded that the party avoid factionalism in order to
have any influence on government policy.
10.03 Issue Factionalism
0, AC9
There is no documented evidence of issue
factionalism in the Conservative Party. In 1953 some conservative
members or supporters broke with the party to join Liberal Knud
Kristensen in forming the Independent Party. No information is
available, however, as to the size or possible organization of
these individuals and no publicized disagreements or involvement
of leaders is evidenced.
10.04 leadership factionalism
0, AC9
There is no evidence of leadership
factionalism in the Conservative Party. The literature attributes
this to the need for complete unity if the party is to have any
opportunity to effect national policy.
10.05 strategic or tactical
factionalism
0, AC9
The Conservative Party shows no sign of
strategic factionalism. The close cooperation of the Moderate
Liberal (Venstre) Party and the Conservative Party is known to
have occasioned serious dispute in the Venstre ranks, but this is
not true of the Conservative Party, which as the weaker member of
the coalition had more to gain.
10.06 Party Purges
0, AC9
There were no purges in the Conservative
Party during our time period.
Involvement Variables, 11.01-11.06
11.01 Membership Requirements
3, AC8
To become a member of the Conservative
Party, an individual must register, sign a card, and pay annual
dues. The payment of dues is more thoroughly documented in the
literature than are the other requirements.
11.02 Membership Participation
2, AC5
There is little documentation of this code
in the literature, although it is clear that the code should be
less than "3." The coder's "guess" is that if attendance at youth
and women's organizations and social and educational events
sponsored by the Conservative Party are included, the code would
be "2." If only regular party meetings were considered, the code
probably would be "0."
11.03 Material Incentives
0, AC3
Although the Conservative Party, as one of
the four major parties in the Folketing, has political jobs to
dispense, it is doubtful that as much as 1 /3 of the party
militants are motivated for this reason. These jobs are considered
more a remuneration for business income lost during public service
and are generally awarded after ten years of service in the
Folketing. In general, party militants seem to be motivated by
solidarity and purposive incentives rather than material
incentives.
11.04 Purposive Incentives
3, AC3
Purposive incentives seem to be the primary
motivation for individual militants to join and remain as members
in the Conservative Party.
11.05 Doctrinism
1, AC9
The Conservative Party's program embodies
the party's doctrine and may at times be considered a referent for
decisions. Because the party's militants are generally agreed on
political principles, however, the party's doctrine is not
constantly consulted nor is it considered unalterable or
infallible.
11.06 Personalism
0, AC9
There is no evidence in the literature that
Conservative Party militants are motivated by personalism. The
party's leader has changed without incidence or noted defections.