The "ac" code is for "adequacy-confidence"--a
data
quality measure ranging from 0 (low) to 9
(high)
Party name and code number
Greek National Progressive Union
of the Center, 142, Ethniki Proodeftikon Enosis Kendrou,
EPEK
Information base and
researchers
The information base for party
politics in Greece consists of 509 pages from 45 documents, with
82 pages or 16 percent pertaining to the EPEK. George Antunes
indexed the literature. Alan Kaplan coded the
variables.
Institutionalization
Variables, 1.01-1.06
1.01 year of origin and 1.02 name
changes
1950, ac6
0, ac6
The national progressive union of the center was formed in 1950
through a coalition of several smaller parties. It was under the
leadership of Plastiras, a former general and political leader of
Greece. The party did not change its name during the period but
was known by other names when it was part of electoral coalitions.
These included the Democratic Union in 1956 and pade in
1958.
1.03 organizational discontinuity
19, ac7
During General Plastiras" illness in 1953 and after his death,
several of his followers left the party. This was not judged to be
a split, although the party steadily lost adherents and deputies.
Its remnants merged into the Center Union, EK, in 1961.
1.04 leadership competition
14, ac7
The leadership of the party changed twice between 1950 and 1962.
What began as an apparent joint leadership structure (Plastiras
and tsouderos) changed in 1951 with Plastiras becoming the
dominant figure. This was coded as an internal power struggle. The
second change, occurring at the death of Plastiras in 1955, was
overt. Papapolitis became the new head.
1.05 / 2.05 legislative instability and strength instability
is .90, ac7
Strength is .10 for 1st half, ac6 and .01 for 2nd half,
ac8
The information about the EPEK legislative representation is
sketchy and judgments depend on some interpretations on its
representation following an election in coalition with other
parties. But it is clear that the high point of EPEK
representation came in 1951, when it won 29 percent of the seats.
Its strength declined rather steadily thereafter. Following the
1958 elections, the EPEK is credited with only one deputy, and it
of course lost representation when it merged into the EK in
1961.
1.06 / 2.06 electoral instability and strength instability is
1.0, ac4
Strength is .17 for 1st half, ac4 and undefined for 2nd
half.
The EPEK contested only two of the six elections during our time
period by presenting its own candidates. It did this in 1950 and
1951, when it won 16 and 24 percent of the vote respectively. In
1952, it entered a coalition with the liberals but appeared to
retain some of its own identity. Therefore we have credited it
with 10 of the 34 percent of the votes won by the coalition, which
reflects the proportion of seats won by the EPEK. In 1956, the
EPEK was involved in a broader coalition under the name,
Democratic Union, DE, and it is not credited with votes won in
this election. The same applies to 1958, when it coalesced with
other groups in the progressive agrarian Democratic Union, PADE.
Finally, it received no credit for contesting the election in
1961, by which time the party had merged into the Center Union,
EK. Its relatively high instability score reflects the fact that
it is counted as contesting only half of the elections during our
period.
Governmental Status Variables,
2.01-2.07
2.01 government discrimination
for 1st half, ac7
-1 for 2nd half, ac7
EPEK, as one of the governing parties during the first half of our
time period, participated in the Greek political game of adjusting
the electoral laws to the advantage of the governing party. As a
non-governing party during the second half of our period , it was
disadvantaged by the revised electoral laws.
2.02 governmental leadership
3 out of 7 for 1st half, ac9
0 out of 6 for 2nd half, ac9
General Plastiras served as premier of Greece for parts of 1950,
1951, and 1952. He served in this position as part of several
coalition governments.
2.03 cabinet participation
3 out of 7 for 1st half, ac9
0 out of 6 for 2nd half, ac9
EPEK participated in several cabinet coalitions in the years 1950,
1951, and 1952. Plastiras joined with Venizelos, head of the
liberals, and Papandreou, head of the Social Democrats in 1950. In
1951, he joined Venizelos for a coalition that lasted until
Papagos" election victory in 1952.
2.04 national participation
5, ac6
The 1958 survey of party preference by region reveals that the
EPEK drew more than half of its supporters from the sterea-evoia
region.
2.07 outside origin
4, ac8
EPEK was formed by a coalition of elected officials with General
Plastiras, a prominent, highly controversial political
figure.
Issue Orientation Variables, 5.01-5.15
5.01 ownership of means of production
ac1
no information
5.02 government role in economic planning
1 for first half, ac6
1 for second half, ac3
The economic policy of EPEK was mentioned just once. This document
described the 1950 policy as one of changes in the economic
environment of Greece. These programs included a simplified
taxation system and some control over subsidies.
5.03 redistribution of wealth
1, ac3
In 1950 EPEK supported higher taxes on the rich. This was part of
their proposed new taxation system. The term "distribution of
wealth" was not used in connection with the change in the tax
structure.
5.04 social welfare
ac1
no information
5.05 secularization of society
ac1
no information
5.06 support of the military
1, ac7
EPEK advocated and carried out a policy of reducing the size of
the military by over 40 percent. They did this to reduce the
budget deficit. The new size was adequate to maintain internal and
external security.
5.07 alignment with east-west blocs
3, ac8
EPEK wanted to continue the strong relationship with great britain
and the united states that Greece had at the time. However, it
also advocated rapproachment and regularized relations with the
Soviet union and yugoslavia. Plastiras assured his followers that
he would keep the united states and great britain informed of all
relations with the eastern bloc.
5.08 anti-colonialism
0, ac6
Greece was not involved in a colonial relationship during this
time period.
5.09 supranational integration
ac1
no information
5.10 national integration
5, ac6
The issue of national integration in Greece involved the problem
of Cyprus. On this issue, the EPEK wanted to continue the crusade
to unify " Cyprus with mother Greece." the party stated that this
was a panhellenic aspiration.
5.11 electoral participation
4, ac6
During the whole time period, EPEK advocated granting and
continuation of universal adult suffrage. When in power, however,
the 1952 election law which they wrote and helped pass, contained
provisions whih restricted the rights of military men to vote and
postponed the rights of women to vote until after the
election.
5.12 protection of civil rights
ac1
no information
5.13 interference with civil liberties
ac1
no information
5.14 / 5.15 US--Soviet experts left-right ratings
US says 2, center
Soviets say nothing
Goal Orientation Variables, 6.01-6.55
6.00 open competition in the electoral process
4, ac9
EPEK relied exclusively on open competition in the electoral
process. The party competed in all of the elections between 1950
and 1962, either on its own or as part of an electoral coalition.
It was part of the 1956 Democratic Union and the 1958 pade.
6.10 restricting party competition
0, ac8
There is no evidence of any action taken by EPEK to restrict party
competition.
6.20 subverting the political system
0, ac8
There is no evidence of any action taken by EPEK to subvert the
political process.
6.30 propagandizing ideas and program
ac1
no information
6.40 allying with other parties
ac1
no information
6.50 providing for welfare of party members
ac1
no information
Autonomy Variables, 7.01-7.05
7.01 sources of funds
ac1
no information
7.02 source of members
ac1
no information
7.03 sources of leaders
5, ac4
The leaders of EPEK during this period were Plastiras, tsouderos,
kartalis, rendis, and papapolitis. This small group reflects
considerable diversity in background. Plastiras was a General,
tsouderos a banker and economist, kartalis an economist and former
resistance leader, and rendis and papapolitis were lawyers.
7.04 relations with domestic parties
3, ac8
EPEK showed moderate dependence in its relations with other
domestic parties. Between 1950 and 1952, EPEK participated in a
number of coalition governments with Plastiras as premier of most.
After 1952, EPEK was part of several electoral pacts.
7.05 relations with foreign organizations
5, ac3
no evidence was found that would link EPEK with any outside
organizations.
Organizational Complexity Variables,
8.01-8.07
8.01 structural articulation
0, ac3
No party organs--national, regional, or local--are
discernble.
8.02 intensiveness of organization
ac1
no information
8.03 extensiveness of organization
ac1
no information
8.04 frequency of local meetings
ac1
no information
8.05 frequency of national meetings
ac1
no information
8.06 maintaining records
ac1
no information
8.07 pervasiveness of organization
ac1
no information
Organizational Power Variables, 9.01-9.08
9.01 nationalization of structure
ac1
no information
9.02 selecting the national leader
ac1
no information
9.03 selecting parliamentary candidates
ac1
no information
9.04 allocating funds
ac1
no information
9.05 formulating policy
ac1
no information
9.06 controlling communications
ac1
no information
9.07 administering discipline
0, ac3
no techniques of discipline are discernible.
9.08 leadership concentration
6 for first half, ac8
6 for second half, ac3
Leadership of EPEK was exercised by one individual--General
Plastiras and later papapolitis. For Plastiras, it is likely, but
not certain, that he could and did commit the party to binding
courses of action. For papapolitis, no information on his
leadership is available, but it is inferred that his powers were
comparable to those of Plastiras.
Coherence Variables, 10.01-10.06
10.01 legislative cohesion
ac1
no information
1002 ideological factionalism
ac1
no information
10.03 issue factionalism
ac1
no information
10.04 leadership factionalism
1, ac5
Some degree of leadership factionalism appears to have occurred
during the early part of our time period, when Plastiras and
tsouderos shared control of the party. But tsouderos died and this
factionalism did not characterize the bulk of our period.
10.05 strategic or tactical factionalism
ac1
no information
10.06 party purges
0, ac6
no purges are discernible.
Involvement Variables, 11.01-11.06
11.01 membership requirements
ac1
no information
11.02 membership participation
ac1
no information
11.03 material incentives
ac1
no information
11.04 purposive incentives
0, ac3
There is no evidence that the policy stands of the party inspired
militants to work for its goals.
11.05 doctrinism
0, ac3
no written body of literature to which the party leaders or
members refer to justify party activities is discernible.
11.06 personalism
3 for first half, ac3
For second half, ac1
Although specific percentages are impossible to discern from the
present data, it is possible to infer that many militants were
motivated by personalism in the first time period. This is clearly
illustrated by the personal following of General Plastiras who was
a beloved national leader. He was called "the father of the
republic of 1928." no information is available to code the
personalism of papapolitis.