The "ac" code is for "adequacy-confidence"--a
data
quality measure ranging from 0 (low) to 9
(high)
Institutionalization
Variables, 1.01-1.06
1.01 Year of Origin and 1.02 Name
Changes
1911, AC8
0, AC7
The Liberal Party was founded by
Eleftherios Venizelos in 1911. There were no name changes, but the
Liberal Party, like most other Greek parties, engaged in electoral
coalitions and thus campaigned under other banners in some
elections.
1.03 Organizational
Discontinuity
19, AC6
The history of the Liberal Party involves a
number of splits prior to 1940, which marks the beginning of our
period for assessing organizational discontinuity. Since 1940, it
experienced one major split before 1950, three major splits and
one minor merger from 1950 to 1956, and a major split and merger
from 1951 to 1961. The split which took place during the middle
1940's involved the formation of two important political
groupings--Plastira's Epek and Papandreou's Social Democrats. The
splits between 1950 and 1956 contributed to the Rally and Ere
party. The most significant split occurred in October, 1952, when
eleven cabinet ministers and thirteen deputies joined the Rally.
Since 1956, the Liberals split three ways. Most of the time the
party remained cohesive, but during several periods Venizelos or
Papandreou left with one or another wing of the Liberal Party. The
party terminated in 1961, when what was left of it merged into
Papandreou's New Center Union, the EK.
1.04 Leadership Competition
7, AC5
Since 1950, the leadership of the Liberal
Party changed four times. The leadership battle was primarily
between Venizelos and Papandreou, but it involved the rank and
file of the party. Venizelos began as the leader but resigned in
April, 1954 to form the Liberal Democratic Party. Papandreou then
became the Liberal leader and remained the sole leader until after
the 1956 general elections when Venizelos again jointly led the
Liberals with Papandreou. Then, at the Leadership Congress in
November, 1958, a leadership struggle resulted in the election of
Gondicas as a compromise. By this time the Liberal Party was badly
split into three groups. After 1959, the leadership of the Liberal
Party is not clearly distinguishable. One author notes that
Venizelos was the leader in 1960--however, whether this is the
Liberal Party or one of the three groups is not clear. Gondicas is
not mentioned after 1959, and in 1961, Papandreou formed the
Center Union Party, which attracted most of the former Liberals.
Because the party leadership was often problematic for much of our
period, the Liberals have been assigned a leadership competition
score of 7, midway between the possibilities of 1 and 13 described
in the variable codes.
1.05 Legislative Instability
Instability is .48, AC6
It is difficult to trace the legislative
representation of the Liberal Party over time, for sources
disagree slightly about the number of seats it held. Furthermore,
the party ran legislative candidates in coalition with other
parties in two of our six elections and merged into a new party,
EK, at the last election. The high point of Liberal strength was
in 1950 and 1951, when the party held 22 percent of the seats. It
held only 6 percent by 1960, and no seats were attributed to the
Liberals by 1961, when the EK was formed.
1.06 Electoral Instability
Instability is .67, AC6
There were six elections during our time period. The Liberal Party
contested only the 1950, 1951, and 1958 elections by presenting
its own slate of candidates. In 1952, the Liberals and the Epek
entered a coalition to contest the election, but the Liberals
seemed to retain their identity in the coalition. In 1956, the
Liberals contested the election in a broader coalition called the
Democratic Union, DE, in which their party identity appears to
have been submerged more than in 1952. Finally, in 1961 the
Liberal Party merged into the EK, a new party. In scoring the
Liberals on strength and instability, we counted its votes only
for the 1950, 1951, and 1956 elections and attributed to it 24 of
the 34 percentage points that the Epek-Liberal coalition won in
the 1952 election, which matches the percent distribution of seats
between the parties following the election. Thus, in the first
half its strength ranged from 17 percent in 1950 to 24 percent in
1952. In the second half, its strength of 21 is based on its
participation in the 1958 election only. Its overall instability
score is high because it is regarded as participating in only 4 of
the six elections during our period.
Governmental Status Variables,
2.01-2.07
2.01 Government
Discrimination
1 for 1st half, AC7
-1 for 2nd half, AC7
A recurring feature of Greek politics has been manipulation of the
electoral system to favor the party in power. The Liberals did
this while they were in power during the early 1950s, but they
later were victims of the practice under the Rally-Ere government
during the second part of our period.
2.02 Governmental Leadership
2 out of 7 for 1st half, AC8
0 out of 6 for 2nd half, AC9
Although Greece had a parliamentary system,
the Liberal Party virtually controlled the complete government and
held the position of national governmental leader for the years
1950 and 1951. During this time it was Venizelos (the son of the
original founder of the party in 1911) who held the position of
Prime Minister and was responsible for the formation of the
government coalitions.
2.03 Cabinet Participation
3 out of 7 for 1st half, AC8
0 out of 6 for 2nd half, AC8
The Liberal Party participated in the
Cabinet for three years--1950, 1951, and 1952. For the first two,
they controlled all of the Cabinet posts. In the last part of 1951
and in 1952, they shared in a coalition Cabinet arrangement. These
coalition governments were with the Social Democrats, Epek, and
the Populists.
2.04 National Participation
6 for 1st half, AC6
4 for 2nd half, AC6
Because of variable strengths after 1956,
the Liberals participated in the national government primarily on
the basis of regional representation. They were strongest in the
Aegean islands where Venizelos and his much loved father were
born. Throughout the period, the Liberals were oriented to
national competition.
2.05 Legislative Strength
Strength is .14 for 1st half, AC7, and .06
for 2nd half, AC6
It is difficult to trace the legislative
representation of the Liberal Party over time, for sources
disagree slightly about the number of seats it held. Furthermore,
the party ran legislative candidates in coalition with other
parties in two of our six elections and merged into a new party,
EK, at the last election. The high point of Liberal strength was
in 1950 and 1951, when the party held 22 percent of the seats. It
held only 6 percent by 1960, and no seats were attributed to the
Liberals by 1961, when the EK was formed.
2.06 Electoral Strength
Strength is .20 for 1st half, AC6, and .21
for 2nd half, AC6
There were six elections during our time
period. The Liberal Party contested only the 1950, 1951, and 1958
elections by presenting its own slate of candidates. In 1952, the
Liberals and the Epek entered a coalition to contest the election,
but the Liberals seemed to retain their identity in the coalition.
In 1956, the Liberals contested the election in a broader
coalition called the Democratic Union, DE, in which their party
identity appears to have been submerged more than in 1952.
Finally, in 1961 the Liberal Party merged into the EK, a new
party. In scoring the Liberals on strength and instability, we
counted its votes only for the 1950, 1951, and 1956 elections and
attributed to it 24 of the 34 percentage points that the
Epek-Liberal coalition won in the 1952 election, which matches the
percent distribution of seats between the parties following the
election. Thus, in the first half its strength ranged from 17
percent in 1950 to 24 percent in 1952. In the second half, its
strength of 21 is based on its participation in the 1958 election
only. Its overall instability score is high because it is regarded
as participating in only 4 of the six elections during our
period.
2.07 Outside Origin
1, AC5
The material suggests that after gaining power in 1909 from a
military group, Venizelos formed the Liberal Party to mobilize
popular support for his new government.
Issue Orientation Variables, 5.01-5.15
5.01 Ownership of Means of
Production
1, AC4
Only one source, in 1950, mentioned that
the Liberals did not advocate the nationalization of
industry.
5.02 Government Role in Economic
Planning
AC1
No information
5.03 Redistribution of Wealth
1, AC3
In the first time period, the party
proposed heavier taxes on the rich and a fair distribution of the
wealth.
5.04 Social Welfare
3, AC3
In the first time period, the Liberals
advocated a social insurance program and other programs to improve
the standard of living, especially among the working
classes.
5.05 Secularization of Society
AC1
No information
5.06 Support of the Military
1, AC3
The Liberal Party did not want hasty
reductions in military expenditures, especially in the first
period after the 1948-1949 civil war and their new membership in
NATO.
5.07 Alignment with East-West
Blocs
5 for 1st half, AC8 -
3 for 2nd half, AC8
The Liberal Party changed their position
slightly during the second time period. Although anti-Communist in
the second half, they were willing to play the role of mediator
between the East and West and to join the Eastern Bloc in several
ways, such as the Balkan Conference and the formation of the
Balkan Free Missile Zone. In the first time period, Venizelos
spoke in favor of the U.N., NATO, the Truman Doctrine, and the
Marshall Plan.
5.08 Anti-Colonialism
0, AC6
Greece was not involved in a colonial
relationship during this time period.
5.09 Supranational Integration
3 for 1st half, AC6
For 2nd half, AC1
In the first time period, the party
advocated Greek membership in European multi-national
organizations. These included the establishment of a United States
of Europe and Greek membership in the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization (NATO).
5.10 National Integration
AC1
No information
5.11 Electoral Participation
4, AC6
Universal suffrage was advocated and
finally granted during the period when the Liberals were part of
the government coalition. However, the party favored the electoral
bill which postponed women's right to vote until six months after
the elections.
5.12 Protection of Civil Rights
AC1
No information
5.13 Interference with Civil
Liberties
AC1
No information
5.14 / 5.15 US--Soviet experts left-right
ratings
US says 2, center
Soviets say nothing
Goal Orientation Variables, 6.01-6.55
6.00 Open Competition in the
Electoral Process
4, AC8
The Liberal Party, during this time period, relied exclusively on
open competition. The party participated in every election during
the time period, either as a separate party or as part of an
electoral coalition.
6.10 Restricting Party
Competition
0, AC8
The party did not engage in disruptive
activities to restrict party competition.
6.20 Subverting the Political
System
0, AC8
The party did not participate in any
activities which would have subverted the political
system.
6.30 Propagandizing Ideas and
Program
6.31, 6.32, 6.34--AC1. No
information
6.33--1, AC6. There is limited information,
but the Liberal Party did issue resolutions.
6.40 Allying with Other Parties
AC1
No information
6.50 Providing for Welfare of Party
Members
AC1
No information
Autonomy Variables, 7.01-7.05
7.01 Sources of Funds
AC1
No information
7.02 Source of Members
AC1
No information
7.03 Sources of Leaders
AC2
Venizelos and Papandreou, the two most
prominent Liberal leaders, came from two sectors of the
society--either professional lawyers or domestic parties and their
bureaucracies. Venizelos and Papandreou were representatives of
both sectors.
7.04 Relations with Domestic
Parties
3, AC9
The Liberal Party was a prominent and often
dominant member of several governmental, parliamentary, and
national electoral alliances and coalitions. These included the
LP-Epek coalition of 1952 and the Democratic Union of
1956.
7.05 Relations with Foreign
Organizations
4, AC6
The Liberal Party was a member of the Liberal International. It
was present at its organizational meeting in 1950 and continued as
a member throughout the time period.
Organizational Complexity Variables,
8.01-8.07
8.01 Structural
Articulation
4, AC6
Two national organs were identified in the
Liberal Party. They were the National Party Congress and the
Parliamentary Deputies' meetings. Information on their selection
and functions was not available.
8.02 Intensiveness of
Organization
1, AC3
The only institutionalized and definable
organ identifiable was the Party Congress. Also, meetings of
Parliamentary Deputies were discernible. However, data is
incomplete on both structures. Data is also incomplete on one
author's use of the word "cadres."
8.03 Extensiveness of
Organization
0, AC6
It is evident that the party was organized
on a national basis. However, by 1958, the party lost much of its
strength and popular support, and although functioning for a
national constituency, was strongest only in several less
populated areas of Greece. While the party did field candidates
for all 300 seats in 1958, it did not appear to have much, if
anything, in the way of local party organization--meaning local
officials and local meetings.
8.04 Frequency of Local
Meetings
AC1
No information
8.05 Frequency of National
Meetings
0, AC6
There does not appear to have been a
national committee. If one did exist, it held no regular
meetings.
8.06 Maintaining Records
AC1
No information
8.07 Pervasiveness of
Organization
AC1
No information
Organizational Power Variables, 9.01-9.08
9.01 Nationalization of
Structure
6, AC6
There were two national party organs (Party
Congress and Parliamentary Deputies' meetings). No party hierarchy
was discernible although there was a party chairman.
9.02 Selecting the nNational
Leader
7, AC5
The Liberals actually had no tradition for
the selection of a party leader, which permitted the
Venizelos/Papandreou leadership struggle to continue without
resolution. The choice of Gondicas as a compromise leader in 1958
only produced three factions rather than two and allowed the power
struggle to continue.
9.03 Selecting Parliamentary
Candidates
9, AC6
The file contains no information on the
selection of parliamentary candidates, but our consultant reports
that the candidates were usually selected by the party
leader.
9.04 Allocating Funds
AC1
No information
9.05 Formulating Policy
7, AC6
Our consultant reports that parliamentary
party meetings were rarely held and that the party leader more or
less had a free hand in making policy.
9.06 Controlling Communications
0, AC3
Although data is incomplete, the code can
be inferred from the available data.
9.07 Administering Discipline
0, AC3
No structures were discernible which
administer discipline.
9.08 Leadership Concentration
5, AC8
Both code 5 or 6 are applicable. At times during both time
periods, leadership was either shared between Venizelos and
Papandreou or exercised individually by one of them or a third
person named Gondicas.
Coherence Variables, 10.01-10.06
10.01 Legislative
Cohesion
AC1
No information
10.02 Ideological Factionalism
AC1
No information
10.03 Issue Factionalism
AC1
No information
10.04 Leadership Factionalism
6, AC9
Factions, formally organized as political
parties if and when they were factions, existed under at least
three leaders. These factions merged or split with the Liberal
Party according to political pragmatism or the leader's wishes.
One of the factions was the Venizelos led Liberal Democratic Party
which won more seats in 1956 than the Liberal Party.
10.05 Strategic or Tactical
Factionalism
6, AC9
Strategic concerns, mostly over possible
alliances with other parties, occurred and led to large splits.
Examples of this include--1950, when Rendis and others left over a
dispute on a proposed coalition cabinet, and 1952, Tsouderis and
twenty-three deputies quit over the organization of an anti Rally
coalition for the election.
10.06 Party Purges
0, AC8
There were no purges. The loss of party activists was completely
voluntary.
Involvement Variables, 11.01-11.06
11.01 Membership Requirements
AC1
No information
11.02 Membership Participation
AC1
No information
11.03 Material Incentives
AC1
No information
11.04 Purposive Incentives
0, AC3
Because issues were not of much importance
in discussions of the party, it is inferred that purposive
incentives did not motivate many militants.
11.05 Doctrinism
0, AC3
It is possible to infer this code from the
documentation. The party was motivated by pragmatism and practical
politics--no written or oral set of doctrine can be
discerned.
11.06 Personalism
2, AC3
The Venizelos-Papandreou struggle for leadership of the party
reflects a substantial amount of personalism in their attraction
of supporters, albeit divided personal loyalties. That a
compromise choice for party leader ( Gondicas) could win over both
of the prime candidates in 1958, however, suggests that a
substantial group of Liberal deputies were not motivated primarily
by personalist considerations.