Path: Table of Contents > Essay on Party Politics > Party 141
Greek Liberal Party, 141
Variables and Codes for 1950-1962
For the concepts and variables below, use these links to Political Parties: A Cross-National Survey:
Institutionalization
Governmental Status
Issue Orientation
Goal Orientation
Autonomy
Organizational Complexity
Organizational Power
Organizational Coherence
Membership Involvement
The "ac" code is for "adequacy-confidence"--a data quality measure ranging from 0 (low) to 9 (high)

Institutionalization Variables, 1.01-1.06
1.01 Year of Origin and 1.02 Name Changes
1911, AC8
0, AC7
The Liberal Party was founded by Eleftherios Venizelos in 1911. There were no name changes, but the Liberal Party, like most other Greek parties, engaged in electoral coalitions and thus campaigned under other banners in some elections.
1.03 Organizational Discontinuity
19, AC6
The history of the Liberal Party involves a number of splits prior to 1940, which marks the beginning of our period for assessing organizational discontinuity. Since 1940, it experienced one major split before 1950, three major splits and one minor merger from 1950 to 1956, and a major split and merger from 1951 to 1961. The split which took place during the middle 1940's involved the formation of two important political groupings--Plastira's Epek and Papandreou's Social Democrats. The splits between 1950 and 1956 contributed to the Rally and Ere party. The most significant split occurred in October, 1952, when eleven cabinet ministers and thirteen deputies joined the Rally. Since 1956, the Liberals split three ways. Most of the time the party remained cohesive, but during several periods Venizelos or Papandreou left with one or another wing of the Liberal Party. The party terminated in 1961, when what was left of it merged into Papandreou's New Center Union, the EK.
1.04 Leadership Competition
7, AC5
Since 1950, the leadership of the Liberal Party changed four times. The leadership battle was primarily between Venizelos and Papandreou, but it involved the rank and file of the party. Venizelos began as the leader but resigned in April, 1954 to form the Liberal Democratic Party. Papandreou then became the Liberal leader and remained the sole leader until after the 1956 general elections when Venizelos again jointly led the Liberals with Papandreou. Then, at the Leadership Congress in November, 1958, a leadership struggle resulted in the election of Gondicas as a compromise. By this time the Liberal Party was badly split into three groups. After 1959, the leadership of the Liberal Party is not clearly distinguishable. One author notes that Venizelos was the leader in 1960--however, whether this is the Liberal Party or one of the three groups is not clear. Gondicas is not mentioned after 1959, and in 1961, Papandreou formed the Center Union Party, which attracted most of the former Liberals. Because the party leadership was often problematic for much of our period, the Liberals have been assigned a leadership competition score of 7, midway between the possibilities of 1 and 13 described in the variable codes.
1.05 Legislative Instability
Instability is .48, AC6
It is difficult to trace the legislative representation of the Liberal Party over time, for sources disagree slightly about the number of seats it held. Furthermore, the party ran legislative candidates in coalition with other parties in two of our six elections and merged into a new party, EK, at the last election. The high point of Liberal strength was in 1950 and 1951, when the party held 22 percent of the seats. It held only 6 percent by 1960, and no seats were attributed to the Liberals by 1961, when the EK was formed.
1.06 Electoral Instability
Instability is .67, AC6
There were six elections during our time period. The Liberal Party contested only the 1950, 1951, and 1958 elections by presenting its own slate of candidates. In 1952, the Liberals and the Epek entered a coalition to contest the election, but the Liberals seemed to retain their identity in the coalition. In 1956, the Liberals contested the election in a broader coalition called the Democratic Union, DE, in which their party identity appears to have been submerged more than in 1952. Finally, in 1961 the Liberal Party merged into the EK, a new party. In scoring the Liberals on strength and instability, we counted its votes only for the 1950, 1951, and 1956 elections and attributed to it 24 of the 34 percentage points that the Epek-Liberal coalition won in the 1952 election, which matches the percent distribution of seats between the parties following the election. Thus, in the first half its strength ranged from 17 percent in 1950 to 24 percent in 1952. In the second half, its strength of 21 is based on its participation in the 1958 election only. Its overall instability score is high because it is regarded as participating in only 4 of the six elections during our period.

Governmental Status Variables, 2.01-2.07
 2.01 Government Discrimination
1 for 1st half, AC7
-1 for 2nd half, AC7
A recurring feature of Greek politics has been manipulation of the electoral system to favor the party in power. The Liberals did this while they were in power during the early 1950s, but they later were victims of the practice under the Rally-Ere government during the second part of our period.
2.02 Governmental Leadership
2 out of 7 for 1st half, AC8
0 out of 6 for 2nd half, AC9
Although Greece had a parliamentary system, the Liberal Party virtually controlled the complete government and held the position of national governmental leader for the years 1950 and 1951. During this time it was Venizelos (the son of the original founder of the party in 1911) who held the position of Prime Minister and was responsible for the formation of the government coalitions.
2.03 Cabinet Participation
3 out of 7 for 1st half, AC8
0 out of 6 for 2nd half, AC8
The Liberal Party participated in the Cabinet for three years--1950, 1951, and 1952. For the first two, they controlled all of the Cabinet posts. In the last part of 1951 and in 1952, they shared in a coalition Cabinet arrangement. These coalition governments were with the Social Democrats, Epek, and the Populists.
2.04 National Participation
6 for 1st half, AC6
4 for 2nd half, AC6
Because of variable strengths after 1956, the Liberals participated in the national government primarily on the basis of regional representation. They were strongest in the Aegean islands where Venizelos and his much loved father were born. Throughout the period, the Liberals were oriented to national competition.
2.05 Legislative Strength
Strength is .14 for 1st half, AC7, and .06 for 2nd half, AC6
It is difficult to trace the legislative representation of the Liberal Party over time, for sources disagree slightly about the number of seats it held. Furthermore, the party ran legislative candidates in coalition with other parties in two of our six elections and merged into a new party, EK, at the last election. The high point of Liberal strength was in 1950 and 1951, when the party held 22 percent of the seats. It held only 6 percent by 1960, and no seats were attributed to the Liberals by 1961, when the EK was formed.
2.06 Electoral Strength
Strength is .20 for 1st half, AC6, and .21 for 2nd half, AC6
There were six elections during our time period. The Liberal Party contested only the 1950, 1951, and 1958 elections by presenting its own slate of candidates. In 1952, the Liberals and the Epek entered a coalition to contest the election, but the Liberals seemed to retain their identity in the coalition. In 1956, the Liberals contested the election in a broader coalition called the Democratic Union, DE, in which their party identity appears to have been submerged more than in 1952. Finally, in 1961 the Liberal Party merged into the EK, a new party. In scoring the Liberals on strength and instability, we counted its votes only for the 1950, 1951, and 1956 elections and attributed to it 24 of the 34 percentage points that the Epek-Liberal coalition won in the 1952 election, which matches the percent distribution of seats between the parties following the election. Thus, in the first half its strength ranged from 17 percent in 1950 to 24 percent in 1952. In the second half, its strength of 21 is based on its participation in the 1958 election only. Its overall instability score is high because it is regarded as participating in only 4 of the six elections during our period.
2.07 Outside Origin
1, AC5
The material suggests that after gaining power in 1909 from a military group, Venizelos formed the Liberal Party to mobilize popular support for his new government.

Issue Orientation Variables, 5.01-5.15
 5.01 Ownership of Means of Production
1, AC4
Only one source, in 1950, mentioned that the Liberals did not advocate the nationalization of industry.
5.02 Government Role in Economic Planning
AC1
No information
5.03 Redistribution of Wealth
1, AC3
In the first time period, the party proposed heavier taxes on the rich and a fair distribution of the wealth.
5.04 Social Welfare
3, AC3
In the first time period, the Liberals advocated a social insurance program and other programs to improve the standard of living, especially among the working classes.
5.05 Secularization of Society
AC1
No information
5.06 Support of the Military
1, AC3
The Liberal Party did not want hasty reductions in military expenditures, especially in the first period after the 1948-1949 civil war and their new membership in NATO.
5.07 Alignment with East-West Blocs
5 for 1st half, AC8 -
3 for 2nd half, AC8
The Liberal Party changed their position slightly during the second time period. Although anti-Communist in the second half, they were willing to play the role of mediator between the East and West and to join the Eastern Bloc in several ways, such as the Balkan Conference and the formation of the Balkan Free Missile Zone. In the first time period, Venizelos spoke in favor of the U.N., NATO, the Truman Doctrine, and the Marshall Plan.
5.08 Anti-Colonialism
0, AC6
Greece was not involved in a colonial relationship during this time period.
5.09 Supranational Integration
3 for 1st half, AC6
For 2nd half, AC1
In the first time period, the party advocated Greek membership in European multi-national organizations. These included the establishment of a United States of Europe and Greek membership in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).
5.10 National Integration
AC1
No information
5.11 Electoral Participation
4, AC6
Universal suffrage was advocated and finally granted during the period when the Liberals were part of the government coalition. However, the party favored the electoral bill which postponed women's right to vote until six months after the elections.
5.12 Protection of Civil Rights
AC1
No information
5.13 Interference with Civil Liberties
AC1
No information
5.14 / 5.15 US--Soviet experts left-right ratings
US says 2, center
Soviets say nothing

Goal Orientation Variables, 6.01-6.55
 6.00 Open Competition in the Electoral Process
4, AC8
The Liberal Party, during this time period, relied exclusively on open competition. The party participated in every election during the time period, either as a separate party or as part of an electoral coalition.
6.10 Restricting Party Competition
0, AC8
The party did not engage in disruptive activities to restrict party competition.
6.20 Subverting the Political System
0, AC8
The party did not participate in any activities which would have subverted the political system.
6.30 Propagandizing Ideas and Program
6.31, 6.32, 6.34--AC1. No information
6.33--1, AC6. There is limited information, but the Liberal Party did issue resolutions.
6.40 Allying with Other Parties
AC1
No information
6.50 Providing for Welfare of Party Members
AC1
No information

Autonomy Variables, 7.01-7.05
 7.01 Sources of Funds
AC1
No information
7.02 Source of Members
AC1
No information
7.03 Sources of Leaders
AC2
Venizelos and Papandreou, the two most prominent Liberal leaders, came from two sectors of the society--either professional lawyers or domestic parties and their bureaucracies. Venizelos and Papandreou were representatives of both sectors.
7.04 Relations with Domestic Parties
3, AC9
The Liberal Party was a prominent and often dominant member of several governmental, parliamentary, and national electoral alliances and coalitions. These included the LP-Epek coalition of 1952 and the Democratic Union of 1956.
7.05 Relations with Foreign Organizations
4, AC6
The Liberal Party was a member of the Liberal International. It was present at its organizational meeting in 1950 and continued as a member throughout the time period.

Organizational Complexity Variables, 8.01-8.07
 8.01 Structural Articulation
4, AC6
Two national organs were identified in the Liberal Party. They were the National Party Congress and the Parliamentary Deputies' meetings. Information on their selection and functions was not available.
8.02 Intensiveness of Organization
1, AC3
The only institutionalized and definable organ identifiable was the Party Congress. Also, meetings of Parliamentary Deputies were discernible. However, data is incomplete on both structures. Data is also incomplete on one author's use of the word "cadres."
8.03 Extensiveness of Organization
0, AC6
It is evident that the party was organized on a national basis. However, by 1958, the party lost much of its strength and popular support, and although functioning for a national constituency, was strongest only in several less populated areas of Greece. While the party did field candidates for all 300 seats in 1958, it did not appear to have much, if anything, in the way of local party organization--meaning local officials and local meetings.
8.04 Frequency of Local Meetings
AC1
No information
8.05 Frequency of National Meetings
0, AC6
There does not appear to have been a national committee. If one did exist, it held no regular meetings.
8.06 Maintaining Records
AC1
No information
8.07 Pervasiveness of Organization
AC1
No information

Organizational Power Variables, 9.01-9.08
 9.01 Nationalization of Structure
6, AC6
There were two national party organs (Party Congress and Parliamentary Deputies' meetings). No party hierarchy was discernible although there was a party chairman.
9.02 Selecting the nNational Leader
7, AC5
The Liberals actually had no tradition for the selection of a party leader, which permitted the Venizelos/Papandreou leadership struggle to continue without resolution. The choice of Gondicas as a compromise leader in 1958 only produced three factions rather than two and allowed the power struggle to continue.
9.03 Selecting Parliamentary Candidates
9, AC6
The file contains no information on the selection of parliamentary candidates, but our consultant reports that the candidates were usually selected by the party leader.
9.04 Allocating Funds
AC1
No information
9.05 Formulating Policy
7, AC6
Our consultant reports that parliamentary party meetings were rarely held and that the party leader more or less had a free hand in making policy.
9.06 Controlling Communications
0, AC3
Although data is incomplete, the code can be inferred from the available data.
9.07 Administering Discipline
0, AC3
No structures were discernible which administer discipline.
9.08 Leadership Concentration
5, AC8
Both code 5 or 6 are applicable. At times during both time periods, leadership was either shared between Venizelos and Papandreou or exercised individually by one of them or a third person named Gondicas.

Coherence Variables, 10.01-10.06
 10.01 Legislative Cohesion
AC1
No information
10.02 Ideological Factionalism
AC1
No information
10.03 Issue Factionalism
AC1
No information
10.04 Leadership Factionalism
6, AC9
Factions, formally organized as political parties if and when they were factions, existed under at least three leaders. These factions merged or split with the Liberal Party according to political pragmatism or the leader's wishes. One of the factions was the Venizelos led Liberal Democratic Party which won more seats in 1956 than the Liberal Party.
10.05 Strategic or Tactical Factionalism
6, AC9
Strategic concerns, mostly over possible alliances with other parties, occurred and led to large splits. Examples of this include--1950, when Rendis and others left over a dispute on a proposed coalition cabinet, and 1952, Tsouderis and twenty-three deputies quit over the organization of an anti Rally coalition for the election.
10.06 Party Purges
0, AC8
There were no purges. The loss of party activists was completely voluntary.

Involvement Variables, 11.01-11.06
11.01 Membership Requirements
AC1
No information
11.02 Membership Participation
AC1
No information
11.03 Material Incentives
AC1
No information
11.04 Purposive Incentives
0, AC3
Because issues were not of much importance in discussions of the party, it is inferred that purposive incentives did not motivate many militants.
11.05 Doctrinism
0, AC3
It is possible to infer this code from the documentation. The party was motivated by pragmatism and practical politics--no written or oral set of doctrine can be discerned.
11.06 Personalism
2, AC3
The Venizelos-Papandreou struggle for leadership of the party reflects a substantial amount of personalism in their attraction of supporters, albeit divided personal loyalties. That a compromise choice for party leader ( Gondicas) could win over both of the prime candidates in 1958, however, suggests that a substantial group of Liberal deputies were not motivated primarily by personalist considerations.