The "ac" code is for "adequacy-confidence"--a
data
quality measure ranging from 0 (low) to 9
(high)
Institutionalization
Variables, 1.01-1.06
1.01 Year of Origin and 1.02 Name
Changes
1869, AC7
0, AC9
Discounting the party reorganization after
World War II, the data indicate that the party was founded in the
late 1860"s, with the Congress at Eisenach, 1869, being the
specific date most often cited. But the Unity Congress at Gotha in
1875 might have been chosen, as well as the Efurt Congress in
1891, when the present name was adopted in preference to the
former
Socialist Labor Party.
1.03 Organizational
Discontinuity
12, AC9
The all-German people's party went into
dissolution and recommended that its members join the SPD (minor
merger), during the first half. Around 1960 the expulsion of the
social democratic student union (SDS) which in turn induced some
senior party members to resign can be considered a major split. A
small group of free democrats withdrew the FDP's support for the
North-Rhine Westphalian cabinet and joined a land coalition with
the social democrats in 1956. This is judged to be only a
coalition, not a minor merger.
1.04 Leadership Competition
16, AC8
The leadership changed hands at least four
times during the time period. Leaders included Schumacher
(1950-52), Ollenhauer (1952-59) and a number of leaders between
1959 and 1961. Willy Brandt finally surfaced as party leader in
1961. Other names mentioned in leadership roles include Erler,
Deist, Schmidt, and Wehner. During most of the late 1950's (and
actually for all the years following Schumacher's death)
leadership was collegial with all the above named men exercising
some control at some time. The a/c is lowered because the process
of selection may have vascillated between overt and
covert.
1.05 Legislative Instability
Instability is .05, AC9
The social democrats" legislative
representation ranged from 31 to 38 percent of the
seats.
1.06 Electoral Instability
Instability is .08, AC9
Based on elections in 1953, 1957, and 1961,
the SPD percent of the vote climbed from 29 to 36
percent.
Governmental Status Variables,
2.01-2.07
2.01 Government Discrimination
0, AC9
The party maintained its integrity
throughout the time period. No indication of any discrimination by
the government against the SPD. The data also indicate that the
SPD was involved in various governing coalitions on the laender
level.
2.02 Governmental Leadership
0 out of 7 for 1950-56, AC9
0 out of 6 for 1957-62, AC9
The SPD never participated in a governing
coalition during the time period.
2.03 Cabinet Participation
0 out of 7 for 1950-56, AC9
0 out of 6 for 1957-62, AC9
The SPD never participated in a cabinet on
the federal level during the time period.
2.04 National Participation
6, AC7
The party was definitely national in
orientation. Its strength increased throughout the time period,
and it continued to make inroads in regions where it was
previously weakest.
2.05 Legislative Strength
Strength is .32 for 1950-56, AC9, and .35
for 1957-62, AC9
The social democrats" legislative
representation ranged from 31 to 38 percent of the
seats.
2.06 Electoral Strength
Strength is .29 for 1950-56, AC9, and .34
for 1957-62, AC9
Based on elections in 1953, 1957, and 1961,
the SPD percent of the vote climbed from 29 to 36
percent.
2.07 Outside Origin
11, AC3
It is unclear whether the party founders
were considered to be leaders of outlawed workers's organizations
or not. A code of eleven is given on the basis of government
reaction to the formation of the party--government reaction being
highly discriminatory, including arresting SPD members and
confiscation of literature.
Issue Orientation Variables, 5.01-5.15
5.01 Ownership of Means of
Production
4 for 1950-56, AC9
1 for 1957-62, AC9
During the early years of the first half,
SPD party policy still called for nationalization of much basic
industry and the seizure of some portion of large financial
empires. However, this Marxist posture was already being de
emphasized during the first half. By 1957 Ollenhauer and the party
had called socialism to question, and the party program did not
even mention socialism, instead emphasizing competition. By the
end of the second half, the party no longer favored government
ownership, but merely some government regulation.
5.02 Government Role in Economic
Planning
4 for 1950-56, AC9
1 for 1957-62, AC9
During the early years of the first half,
the SPD advocated a rather vigorous government role in economic
planning, including assurance of full employment, planned credit
and raw material policy, seizing of part of private fortunes, and
some socialization of industry. This position was soon modified to
reflect a more conservative SPD image. Thus, by the second half,
the only SPD economic planning measures included changes in the
tax structure, new cartel legislation to more closely regulate
industry, and a guarantee of protection for the
Deutschmark.
5.03 Redistribution of Wealth
3 for 1950-56, AC9
1 for 1957-62, AC9
While the party favored seizure of some
portion of private fortunes during the first half, by the second
half of the period the party merely advocated a more just system
of taxation. Party called for increased taxes on the estates of
the very wealthy, increased taxes on speculative profits, and
abolition of consumption tax on sugar and salt.
5.04 Social Welfare
3, AC9
Throughout the time period the party called
for social reforms including improved health care, social
insurance, better recreation facilities, and old age pension
improvements. There was no evidence that these programs had to be
compulsary.
5.05 Secularization of Society
1 for 1950-56, AC5 -
2 for 1957-62, AC5
Party position on this variable most
ambivalent. During the first half the SPD was somewhat
antagonistic towards the church. The party considered religion to
be a private matter, and therefore was not in favor of
appropriating money to parochial schools.
However, this position changed during the
second time period when the SPD made special attempts to engineer
a rapprochement with the church through discussion and recognition
of the public duty of the churches to a voice in general questions
of political life. In the Bavarian laender, a heavily Catholic
region, the SPD accepted the notion of governmental aid to
parochial schools.
5.06 Support of the Military
1 for 1950-56, AC9
3 for 1957-62, AC9
During the early years of the first half,
the SPD attempted to maintain a somewhat anti-military posture.
However, it soon became a party policy to accept the legitimacy of
NATO and the necessity for German participation in it, tempered
only by the demand that Germany not become a pawn in an
international defense game. By the second half, the SPD had
accepted the necessity for rearmament and close NATO ties. Party
did protest against the use of nuclear weapons,
however.
5.07 Alignment with East-West
Blocs
2 for 1950-56, AC9 -
5 for 1957-62, AC9
During the early years of the first half,
the party was somewhat antagonistic towards the u.s., and
advocated negotiations with the Eastern Bloc. This position
changed rapidly, and by the mid-1950's the party had completely
abandoned any attempts at reconciliation with the East. During the
second half, the SPD continually emphasized its wholehearted
support for the US, and the SPD foreign policy was almost
identical to that of the CDU.
5.08 Anti-Colonialism
0, AC9
Germany was not involved in colonial
relationships during the time period. SPD favored distribution of
foreign aid only when requested to do so by a nation in
need.
5.09 Supranational Integration
2 for 1950-56, AC9
3 for 1957-62, AC9
The SPD was opposed to EEC and the Schuman
plan during the first half of the period, fearing their threat to
German sovereignty and reunification. However, by the second half
of the time period, the SPD came to fully support the
EEC.
5.10 national Integration
1, AC9
Party has always supported reunification of
the two Germanies.
However, this policy cannot be
operationalized and cannot be taken into consideration for coding.
The party is thus coded as federalist on the basis of SPD support
for the maintenance of the federal structure in Germany throughout
our time period.
5.11 Electoral Participation
5, AC9
Party advocated maintenance of universal
suffrage.
5.12 Protection of Civil Rights
5, AC9
Party supported total abolition of
discrimination.
5.13 Interference with Civil
Liberties
3, AC9
Party advocates total freedom of political
expression.
5.14 / 5.15 US--Soviet Experts Left-Right
Ratings
US says 3, non-communist left
Soviets say 2, made up of a significant
part of the working class, but it was for the preservation of the
capitalist structure.
Goal Orientation Variables, 6.01-6.55
6.00 Open Competition in the Electoral
Process
4, AC9
Party always competed in an open electoral
system and never advocated restriction of electoral competition
during our time period.
6.10 Restricting Party
Competition
0, AC9
Party never advocated restriction of
electoral competition during our time period.
6.20 Subverting the Political
System
0, AC9
Party never advocated subversion of the
governmental system during our time period.
6.30 Propagandizing Ideas and
Program
6.31--2, AC9.
Party controlled numerous dailies with a combined circulation of
more than a million.
6.32--2, AC9.
Party's numerous ancillary organizations assumed role of party
educational organs.
6.33--2, AC9.
Party issued numerous resolutions and platforms throughout the
time period.
6.34--2, AC9.
Party issued numerous position papers throughout the time
period.
6.50 Providing for Welfare of Party
Members
6.51--2, AC3.
Although data are unclear, it appears likely that providing for
food, clothing, or shelter came under the aegis of SPD welfare
activity.
6.52--AC1.
No information.
6.53--2, AC7.
Party officials were active on local and laender levels on behalf
of citizens.
6.54--AC1.
Although the SPD maintained organizations for political education,
there was no information relating to the provision of basic
education.
6.55--2, AC9.
The party was active in providing various welfare and recreational
services.
Autonomy Variables, 7.01-7.05
7.01 Sources of Funds
7, AC9
Party membership dues, assessments, and
income from party activities constitute the entire source of SPD
revenue. Income from outside contributors was
negligible.
7.02 Source of Members
5, AC9
The party constitution made no mention of
indirect party membership. There were no formal structural ties
between the SPD and the trade unions in terms of
membership.
7.03 Sources of Leaders
3 (sector 03) for 1st half, AC5
3 (sector 03) for 2nd half, AC6
Based on data in Loewenberg--1967--for
parliamentarians from 1957-1961, about half of the SPD deputies
reporting occupations were professionals.
7.04 Relations with Domestic
Parties
7, AC9
The party was completely autonomous
throughout most of the time period. On two occasions (1949-53,
1957-61) there were other minor parties in opposition to the
government. The SPD occasionally benefitted from this increased
opposition, and the party garnered some extra votes in opposing
certain government programs.
7.05 Relations with Foreign
Organizations
3 for first half, AC9
4 for 2nd half, AC7
During the first half the party may have relied on the
international congress for some policy initiatives.
However, by the end of the second time period,
the SPD appeared to have chosen a highly autonomous party policy
which paid only lip service to any international socialist
organizations and doctrines.
Organizational Complexity Variables,
8.01-8.07
8.01 Structural Articulation
11, AC9
Four national organs can be
identified--Party Convention, Party Executive Committee, Party
Council, and Control Commission. Functions and responsibilities
were clearly delineated in the party bylaws. The Party Convention
received reports on the various committees, elects the committees,
and votes on resolutions submitted to it. Convention members were
elected in the districts, the number of seats being proportional
to the number of members who paid dues. The Executive Committee
was elected by the convention. It was responsible for conducting
party business and supervising party organs. The Party Council was
composed of the chairmen of the districts, the chairmen of the
land committees, the chairmen of the landtag parliamentary
parties, and the prime ministers of the laender. Its
responsibilities include coordinating policies in the federation
and laender and advising the executive committee on basic policy
questions. The control commission was elected by the national
convention for the supervision of the executive committee and as
an appeals institution for complaints against the executive
committee.
8.02 Intensiveness of
Organization
6, AC7
On the lowest level of party organization,
membership figures indicate that attendance at meetings was often
under 100 people. The lowest level (ortsvereine) can therefore be
considered cellular. There were 9,100 locals in 1959, averaging 69
members each.
8.03 Extensiveness of
Organization
6, AC9
There were at least 9,100 local party
organizations averaging 69 members each. Considering the large
number of locals, as well as the large number of party members
throughout the country, it can be safely assumed that local
coverage was found throughout the country.
8.04 Frequency of Local
Meetings
5, AC9
Figures show that the local party
organizations met on the average of between 6 and 8 times per
year.
8.05 Frequency of National
Meetings
6, AC6
The Executive Committee met roughly once a
month.
8.06 Maintaining Records
16, AC9
Like the CDU, the SPD maintained complete
and current membership lists. A party yearbook served as an
archival source and was quite complete and thorough. Of course,
the party publishing program was vigorous and
unending.
8.07 Pervasiveness of
Organization
17, AC9
There were a large number of ancillary
organizations. Not only did the party sponsor student, youth,
womenís, and cultural groups, but it also sponsored
numerous "abreitgemeinschaft" which brought together SPD
sympathizers and members of similar backgrounds (i.e.,
Professional, war refugees). Party control of these organizations
appeared to be moderate to high. The party had difficulty keeping
control of the student organization (SDS), and the party did not
attempt to strictly oversee the activities of the
arbeitgemeinschafts.
Hierarchical with at least three
identifiable levels of organizationsóFederal Party,
District, Local associations.
Organizational Power Variables, 9.01-9.08
9.01 Nationalization of
Structure
5, AC9
The SPD structure is hierarchical with at
least three identifiable levels of organizations--Federal Party,
District, Local associations.
9.02 Selecting the National
Leader
3, AC9
The Party Convention elected the chairman
of the Party Executive Committee. The chairman appeared to
exercise the greatest degree of party leadership. The party
convention itself was composed of delegates from the districts as
well as members of the party Executive Committee and of the
Control Commission.
9.03 Selecting Parliamentary
Candidates
5, AC7
By law, nominations for constituency seats
were the responsibility of the constituency party association.
However, the SPD representation in Parliament came mostly from
list rather than district seats. The list nominations were made by
the land organization conventions, with some national advice given
on selection.
9.04 Allocating Funds
2, AC7
The districts were in charge of dues
collection, while the Federal Party was responsible for the
distribution of much of that money, along with any outside
contributions.
9.05 Formulating Policy
5, AC7
Chalmers summarizes SPD policy
formulation--prior to 1958, the executive branch of the party was
composed of about 25 members elected by the Party Congress, 7 of
which were paid members. These 7 included the chairman, his
deputy, and five others. They were both the chief organizational
leaders and the core of the party leadership in residence in Bonn.
In 1958 a general reorganization of the major organs occurred. The
executive was expanded to 33, with a group of 9 members forming
the "party presidium". The presidium consisted of paid party
officials and important members of the Bundestag. It met about
once a week. The fact that the leadership of the executive and the
Fraktion (Parliamentary Party) was united in this presidium
clearly made it supreme in the SPD. But the party conference was
still involved in creating programs and policy.
9.06 Controlling Communications
7, AC9
The national organization controlled a vast
media network which included the party yearbook, the internal
party magazine, various electronic media campaigns, and general
publications for public distribution. The party published a
monthly magazine Die Demokratische Gemeinde.
9.07 Administering Discipline
4, AC9
The Party Executive Committee had broad
disciplinary powers which included summary expulsion with no right
of defense or appeal.
9.08 Leadership Concentration
3, AC9
The SPD executive committee was a highly
homogeneous group dominated by no one personality or group, in
contrast with the inner elite of the CDU. Collegial leadership was
the rule after the death of Kurt Schumacher in 1952.
Coherence Variables, 10.01-10.06
10.01 Legislative Cohesion
.99, AC9
Ozbudun calculated indices of cohesion for
the SPD in Bundestags from 1949 through 1961, based on 331
votes.
10.02 Ideological Factionalism
3 for 1st half, AC5
5 for 2nd half, AC6
Ideological matters engendered considerable
discussion by parties and members, and there was some factionalism
within the Wirtschafte Politischen Ausschuss early in our period.
The disappointing show of the SPD in the 1957 elections led to a
formal reconsideration of the party program. In its bad Godesberg
Congress of 1959, ideological reform was adopted by a vote of 324
to 116, and the party's Marxist pretensions were
scrapped.
10.03 Issue Factionalism
1, AC5
There have been occasional disagreements on
the party's issue orientation, most notably in the field of
foreign policy, during the first half of the time period. However,
sustained factionalism on questions of issue orientation has not
occurred.
10.04 Leadership Factionalism
2, AC5
Throughout the time period the collegial
leadership of the party resulted in individual followings for some
members of the party elite. This is most notable in the cases of
Kurt Schumacher, Carlo Schmid, and Willy Brandt.
However, there were no labeled groupings,
and the leadership followings did not result in serious
dissension.
10.05 Strategic or Tactical
Factionalism
2 for 1st half, AC3
5 for 2nd half, AC6
Before the 1957 elections, the main problem
of strategy and tactics within the SPD dealt with the party's
relations to the communists. Later, the problem was changed to a
shift to the right in an effort to compete more successfully with
the CDU and its economic successes. The ideological revision of
1959 was carried out mainly with electoral ends in
mind.
10.06 Party Purges
0 for 1st half, AC3
1 for 2nd half, AC3
Only expulsion that could be interpreted as
a purge occurred in 1960-61 when the Social Democratic Student
Union was dropped by the party. This, in turn, led to the
resignation of some senior party members. The expulsion of some
students during the first time period involved only a very small
number of members.
Involvement Variables, 11.01-11.06
11.01 Membership Requirements
7, AC9
Party members must apply with the local
associations. There is a one year probation period, and there are
complex rules on dues payment. The complete membership records of
the party imply that all members must be registered.
11.02 Membership Participation
4, AC3
The high degree of party organization, as
evidenced by the numerous conferences, congresses, and meetings,
seems to indicate a large number of party militants. SPD party
offices always maintained large staffs. These workers devoted
large blocs of time to SPD activities.
11.03 Material Incentives
0, AC3
Since the party did not hold governmental
leadership throughout the time period, the question of material
incentives was not raised. It seems highly unlikely that many
party militants were motivated by the possibility of obtaining
patronage positions.
11.04 Purposive Incentives
4, AC3
Since the SPD was not the governmental
leader on the national level throughout the time period, it would
seem reasonable to assume that the party militants were sustained
by a genuine concern for and belief in the political principles
and programs of the SPD.
11.05 Doctrinism
3 for 1st half, AC5
2 for 2nd half, AC5
The SPD was somewhat more doctrinaire
during the first half. There were frequent references to party
programs and these programs and policies were rigorously
interpreted in determining the issue position. During the second
half, the party became more flexible. While there were frequent
references to the bad Godesburg program, it was recognized that
the Godesburg program itself called for a less doctrinaire
position. By the early 1960"s, the SPD and CDU were equally
pragmatic.
11.06 Personalism
0, AC9
Personalistic leadership in the SPD was
almost impossible during our time period because of the collegial
nature of the SPD elite. None of the inner circle enjoyed any sort
of charismatic following.