The "ac" code is for "adequacy-confidence"--a
data
quality measure ranging from 0 (low) to 9
(high)
Party Name and Code number
French Communist Party, 115, Parti
Communiste Francaise
Institutionalization Variables,
1.01-1.06
1.01 Year of Origin and 1.02 Name
Changes
1905, ac5
0, ac9
All sources indicate that the Communist
Party of France was formed by members of the Socialist Party who
at the Congress of Tours, December 1920, voted to accept Lenin's
terms for joining the Third International. We have, however, fixed
the date of origin instead at 1905, when the parent party was
formed from a fusion of two previously antagonistic socialist
groups. At the 1920 Congress, a substantial majority of the
delegates chose to affiliate with the Comintern and a clear
majority of the erstwhile socialist rank-and-file opted for
membership in the emergent Communist Party. In keeping with the
conception of party origin used in the ICPP project, the Communist
Party is considered to be a direct extension of the Socialist
Party founded in 1905, with a name change occurring in 1920. There
have been no subsequent changes in the party's name during our
period of interest.
1.03 Organizational
Discontinuity
11, ac6
The two splits mentioned in the literature
were the Herve-Lecoeur split of 1956 and the Tribune Group of
1958. Both were minor, involving no widespread defection from the
party, and both were mentioned only once.
1.04 Leadership Competition
6, ac5
One source indicated that on more than one
occasion in the 1920s, changes in party leadership were imposed by
Moscow. The only other change indicated is that of bringing Thorez
to power in 1936. Whether that is judged to be overt or covert,
the majority of changes, those in the 1920s, were covert. The low
adequacy confidence level is due to the reliance on one
source.
1.05 Legislative Instability
Instability is .57, ac7
Ac8
The PCF went from a high of 30 percent of
the seats in 1950 to 2 percent in 1961. The electoral system
worked to the party's disadvantage, returning far fewer seats in
proportion to votes won.
1.06 Electoral Instability
Instability is .12, ac9
Data are for elections in 1950, 1951, 1956,
1958, and 1962. The party's electoral support fluctuated only
between 28 and 19 percent of the vote, remaining relatively
constant in comparison to its legislative
representation.
Governmental Status Variables,
2.01-2.07
2.01 Government Discrimination
1, ac9
The electoral law was amended to permit
electoral alliances in certain districts and deny PFC the benefits
of PR for the 1951 and 1956 elections. Later, single-member
districts used for run-off elections and Gerry Mandering worked
against PFC.
2.02 Governmental Leadership
0 out of 8 for 1950-57, ac9
0 out of 5 for 1958-62, ac9
The Communist Party was never able to
obtain leadership of the government.
2.03 Cabinet Participation
0 out of 8 for 1950-57, ac9
0 out of 5 for 1958-62, ac9
Since sharing in a tripartite relationship
in the first year of the Fourth Republic (before our time period)
the PCF has not participated (one source says by choice) in any
government.
2.04 National Participation
5 for 1950-57, ac6
5 for 1958-62, ac5
Electoral results show PCF strength
distributed throughout France with strongholds in certain
areas.
2.05 Legislative Strength
Strength is .19 for 1950-57, ac7, and .03
for 1957-62,
Ac8
The PCF went from a high of 30 percent of
the seats in 1950 to 2 percent in 1961. The electoral system
worked to the party's disadvantage, returning far fewer seats in
proportion to votes won.
2.06 Electoral Strength
Strength is .26 for 1950-57, ac9, and .20
for 1958-62, ac9
Data are for elections in 1950, 1951, 1956,
1958, and 1962. The party's electoral support fluctuated only
between 28 and 19 percent of the vote, remaining relatively
constant in comparison to its legislative
representation.
2.07 Outside Origin
9, ac8
The socialist groups that merged to form the Socialist Party in
1905, which was the predecessor of the Communist Party, were
relatively minor in importance taken separately, but they were not
illegal organizations.
Issue Orientation Variables, 5.01-5.15
5.01 Ownership of Means of
Production
5, ac5
Although the PCF apparently favored a
policy of nationalization, it also defended private property,
suggesting some equivocation, perhaps for political
purposes.
5.02 Government Role in Economic
Planning
5, ac3
The literature did not specifically discuss
the party's position on this issue, but it was inferred that the
PCF favors a strong government role in economic planning from its
position on other issues and its general programmatic
approach.
5.03 Redistribution of Wealth
5, ac6
Party has advocated confiscation of land
and redistribution to working peasants. It has also been concerned
with unequal taxation from the standpoint of the
workers.
5.04 Social Welfare
5, ac8
Advocates social security and a compulsory
social welfare system.
5.05 Secularization of Society
3, ac6
The PCF program is strongly anticlerical.
However, it is willing to cooperate with catholics in certain
matters. We have judged this not as contradictory, but as a strong
program greatly moderated in practice.
5.06 Support of the Military
3, ac6
Criticized military expenditures and
supported a program of disarmament.
5.07 Alignment with East-West
Blocs
5, ac9
The PCF supports and follows USSR foreign
policy positions, is a persistent critic of the US, and advocates
treaties with the USSR.
5.08 Anti-Colonialism
5 for 1950-57, ac7
3 for 1958-62, ac7
During the first part of our period, the
party's score on anti-colonialism is based on its position toward
the Indo-China war, which it vigorously opposed. In fact, the
Communist Party opposed military action in Indo-China as early as
1946, when the party was involved in the government. Largely over
this issue, the communists were excluded from the cabinet in 1947,
not to return since. The party's policy toward Algeria forms the
basis of our coding during the second part of our period. Its
opposition to anti-colonialism in Algeria was not nearly so
vigorous. In fact, the party supported the government of the
socialist guy Mollet, who continued the war against Algerian
rebels. Domestic political considerations caused the party to mute
its ideological position on anti-colonialism in the Algerian
case.
5.09 Supranational Integration
3, ac9
PCF deputies continually opposed proposals
for European integration, including EDC and the Common
Market.
5.10 National Integration
Ac1
No information.
5.11 Electoral Participation
5, ac3
There is no definite information in the
file, but it is presumed that the PCF supported universal suffrage
in France.
5.12 Protection of Civil Rights
5, ac6
PCF especially concerned about rights of
workers and trade unionists.
5.13 Interference with Civil
Liberties
Ac1
No information.
5.14 / 5.15 US--Soviet Experts Left-Right
Ratings
US says 4,
communist Soviets say 3, progressive Marxist, urges socio
democratic reform, party of the working class, democratic,
supports socialism, unity of world communism based on
Marxism-Leninism.
Goal Orientation Variables, 6.01-6.55
6.00 open competition in the electoral
process
3 for 1950-57, ac7
4 for 1958-62, ac9
de Gaulle founded the RPF with the purpose
of having a political organization to work for there form of the
state, not with the intention of participating in party politics
as practiced under the third republic and as forecast for the
fourth republic. Nevertheless, the RPF did contest elections and
won impressive victories in the 1947 municipal elections and the
1951 legislative elections. In the assembly, however, the RPF
acted to obstruct the regime, withholding support from all
governments until some RPF deputies defected to support Pinay in
1952. The following year, de Gaulle dissolved the RPF, but the
Gaullist forces finally succeeded in their attempt to create a new
constitutional structure with the fifth republic in 1958.
Thereafter, the UNR was wholly oriented to the electoral
process.
6.10 restricting party
competition
0 for 1950-62, ac9
Although not completely engaged in a
strategy of open competition in the electoral process for part of
the first half of our time period, the Gaullists did not rely on a
restrictive strategy toachieve their ends. We have been advised,
however, that there were many rumors of "thuggery."
6.20 subverting the political
system
1 for 1950-57, ac7
0 for 1958-62, ac9
In a very definite sense, the RPF did
indeed employ a mixture of subversion and electoral competition in
its overall strategy during the first half of our time period. The
subversive tactics in this strategy were not the conventional ones
of violent confrontations with the government but essentially acts
of non-cooperation in parliamenton choosing and supporting a
government. In this aspect of their parliamentary behavior, the
RPF and communist party differed little. After 1958, the Gaullists
were the governing party, and a subversive strategy, of course,
was no longer in order. But our consultant points out that the
party did support de gaulle's unconstitutional means of changing
system for choosing the president in 1962.
6.30 propagandizing ideas and
program
6.31 0 for 1950-57, ac6 and 1 for 1958-62,
ac6 the RPF could not mainatin a daily paper during the first part
of our time period, however, the unr published a daily, la
nation.
6.32 0, ac3 there is no evidence of party
schools.
6.33 for 1950-57, ac1 and 1 for 1958-62,
ac6 the unr congress passed resolutions and platforms, but there
is insufficient information as to whether a similar process
occurred in the RPF.
6.34 ac1 no information.
6.50 providing for welfare of party
members
6.51, 6.52, 6.53, 6.54 ac1 there is no
reference to either the RPF's or the UNR's provision of such
social welfare activities.
6.55 1 for 1950-57, ac6 and for 1958-62,
ac1 the RPF had national organizations for social
activities.
Autonomy Variables, 7.01-7.05
7.01 Sources of Funds
7, ac9
Membership dues but especially salaries of
PCF parliamentary deputies have provided the bulk of the party's
funds. Since the decline in parliamentary representation, the
party has suffered a sizable loss of ready income.
7.02 Source of Members
5, ac6
Although many members of the CGT, France's
largest trade union, are
Members of PCF, membership in the party is
voluntary.
7.03 Sources of Leaders
1 (sector 01), ac8
The vast majority of PCF leaders come from
the working class.
7.04 Relations with Domestic
Parties
7, ac8
During the first part of our time period,
the PCF was effectively isolated from participating with other
parties. In the second half, it did engage in electoral alliances
with other parties, primarily the socialists, but these were
undertaken for opportunistic reasons without surrendering much
autonomy of operation.
7.05 Relations with Foreign
Organizations
1, ac9
There is suspicion that the USSR provided financial and other
assistance to the PCF. Regardless of the extent or even existence
of such aid, the PCF's autonomy in questions of policy formation
was virtually nonexistent during our time period, as the party
followed the international communist leadership in
general.
Organizational Complexity Variables,
8.01-8.07
8.01 Structural Articulation
9, ac9
The PCF National Congress, Central
Committee, Politbureau, and Secretariat can be identified as four
distinct national party organs. Notwithstanding formal
acknowledgement of elections, personnel selection to these organs
is largely in terms of informal cooptation. However, the functions
of these bodies, while distinctly hierarchical in nature, are
clearly specified.
8.02 Intensiveness of
Organization
6, ac9
The basic unit of the PCF is the cell, with
from 3 to no more than 80 members. Usually, the membership is
around 15 to 20 members.
8.03 Extensiveness of
Organization
6, ac8
About 20 percent of the cells appeared to
be based in place of employment, either factory or office. Another
30 percent were in rural areas, and most of the rest were local
cells, organized on a geographical basis.
8.04 Frequency of Local
Meetings
6, ac9
Cell meetings were held quite frequently,
once a week or biweekly.
8.05 Frequency of National
Meetings
5, ac5
The Central Committee meets about every two
months, and the code is based on these meetings. However, the
Politbureau meets weekly, and the code would be higher if this
organ were chosen as the basis for coding.
8.06 Maintaining Records
10, ac9
The party sponsors a very extensive
publishing program, but there is no evidence of a research
division existing as an institutionalized organizational resource.
Although the party's published membership figures are challenged
by opposition parties, it must be assumed that its private lists
are accurate, given the close observation of member
behavior.
8.07 Pervasiveness of
Organization
18, ac9
Trade unions and varied associations of newspapermen, veterans,
scientists, and so on are affiliated with the party. Although the
representation of these sectors varies considerably in numbers,
the party does enjoy heavy representation from certain sectors,
especially labor. In general, party control of these ancillary
organizations is high.
Organizational Power Variables, 9.01-9.08
9.01 Nationalization of
Structure
5, ac9
PCF has a party hierarchy from the cell at
the local levels, the section composed of cells, the Department
Federation composed of sections, and the Party Congress and
Central Committee, which is further subdivided into a
Politbureau.
9.02 Selecting the National
Leader
7, ac3
There was no real change of leadership
during our time period, so there is no firm basis for this
judgment. However, Thorez was ill and recuperating in the USSR
from 1950 to 1953. During his absence, while he was still
Secretary General of the party, leadership was exercised by a
collective balance of power of lieutenants within the Politbureau.
No movement was made to involve outer circles of the party in
leadership succession.
9.03 Selecting Parliamentary
Candidates
5, ac6
Parliamentary candidates are chosen by
local party committees, but the national organization approves the
choices.
9.04 Allocating Funds
5, ac6
Funds are collected at the local level
through membership dues. At the regional level, funds are drawn
from the salaries of governmental officials who belong to the PCF.
At the national level, funds are drawn from salaries of party
members in the Assembly. But 75 percent of the funds of the local
cells go to the regional and national levels for
distribution.
9.05 Formulating Policy
6, ac9
Policy-making in the PCF is done by the
Politbureau and the Secretariat. Although Thorez was clearly the
central person in the policy-making process, pcf policy issued
from something more than a one-man process.
9.06 Controlling Communications
7, ac9
The communist press, especially l'humanite,
has extensive circulation in France. The national party
organization supervises the editorial direction of the national
party press.
9.07 Administering Discipline
4, ac8
The Politbureau issues binding rules to
deputies, attends their meetings, and can invoke the deputies'
resignation.
9.08 Leadership Concentration
4, ac8
Some sources identify Thorez as the supreme
leader of the party. Others place leadership in the hands of
Thorez and his top lieutenants, primarily Duclos. There seems to
be no question about Thorez's prestige and preeminence within the
party, but his poor health precluded the kind of one-man
leadership that can occur within a centralized party.
Coherence Variables, 10.01-10.06
10.01 Legislative Cohesion
1.0, ac9
Pcf seems to be completely cohesive in
voting on most bills in the Assembly.
10.02 Ideological Factionalism
0, ac9
PCF unquestioningly follows the ideology of
orthodox Russian Marxism. Party doctrine is studied rather than
debated.
10.03 Issue Factionalism
0, ac6
Discrete political issues have not emerged
as a source of factionalism.
10.04 Leadership Factionalism
0, ac9
Despite rumors of disagreement and
suggested divisions among Thorez and his top lieutenants, the
situation is not severe enough to warrant being described as
factious.
10.05 Strategic or Tactical
Factionalism
2, ac9
One of the main sources of disagreement is
the desired relationship of the PCF to the French left generally
and cooperation with them in united front activities.
10.06 Party Purges
0 for 1st half, ac4
0 for 2nd half, ac4
Prominent leaders like Marty, Lecoeur, and
Herve were expelled from the party for various reasons by 1956. In
1958, a Sorbonne cell was dissolved and leaders expelled. Although
these examples are significant to the history of the PCF, they are
not sufficiently large to be considered mass expulsions as defined
by this variable.
Involvement Variables, 11.01-11.06
11.01 Membership Requirements
3, ac7
Apparently, the PCF, like the Italian
Communist Party, departs from the classical cadre notion of
Communist Party organization by following an open rather than
closed membership policy and not requiring probationary periods
for candidate members. The literature makes no mention of a lack
of probationary status, but its absence from discussion is judged
to mean it is not a requirement.
11.02 Membership Participation
4 for 1st half, ac4
2 for 2nd half, ac4
The literature tends to emphasize the
non-militant character of most of the PCF membership, estimating
that only about 25 percent is militant. But the criteria of
militancy are too severe to conclude that the remainder are merely
nominal members. Because the literature notes a decline in PCF
member participation during our time period, most of the members
are judged to be "participants" for the first half and "marginal"
members for the second.
11.03 Material Incentives
0, ac3
The awarding of material incentives to
induce militant participation almost always derives from a high
level of governmental status, which the PCF did not enjoy in
France. Our consultant notes, however, that many mayors were
communist during this period. Joining one's mayor's party in a
small village may well be due to material incentives. No doubt
this was a factor for some members, but the proportion is thought
to be far less than one-third.
11.04 Purposive Incentives
4, ac3
Most militants appear motivated to work for
the party through the hope of its capturing political power and
carrying out its governmental philosophy.
11.05 Doctrinism
3, ac9
The doctrine of the PCF consists of the
works of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin explained by party
leaders and reduced to a form easily learned by party
members.
11.06 Personalism
0, ac5
Some attempt was made by the PCF to trade
upon the personality of Thorez, especially for recruitment of new
members. But it is unlikely that his personal magnetism accounted
for the motivations of party militants.