The "ac" code is for "adequacy-confidence"--a
data
quality measure ranging from 0 (low) to 9
(high)
Party Name and Code number
French Socialist Party, 113, Parti
Socialiste--Section Francaise de L'Internationale Ouvriere,
SFIO
Institutionalization Variables,
1.01-1.06
1.01 Year of origin and 1.02 name
changes
1920, ac5
0, ac9
It is standard practice to fix the date of
origin of the French socialist party as 1905, when two
antagonistic groups of socialistsone liberal-democratic and one
revolutionary--were ordered to unite by the 1904 Congress of the
Socialist International. The result was the socialist party,
French section of the Workers' International. In the 1920 congress
at tours, the majority voted to
affiliate with the Comintern, and a clear majority of the members
opted for reorganization as the Communist Party, French section of
the communist international. This majority retained the party
headquarters and its national daily newspaper, "L'humanite." In
keeping with the conception of party origins employed in the ICPP
project, the minority faction which continued to operate as the
SFIO is considered as having founded a new party in 1920. There
were no changes in its name subsequently through the end of our
period, although its designation as the French section of the
workers" international is clearly outdated.
1.03 Organizational
Discontinuity
9, ac9
A minor split occurred in 1948, when the
Trotskyist socialist youth movement was expelled from the party. A
major split occurred in 1958, when the party's secretary-general,
Guy Mollet, decided to support Degaulle. Some prominent
socialists, including Mayer, for mer secretary-general of the
party, broke away to for m the Parti Socialiste Autonome (PSA),
which in 1960 merged with other smaller leftist groups to for m
the Parti Socialiste Unifie (PSU).
1.04 Leadership Competition
9, ac9
Guy Mollet was elected secretary-general in
1946, replacing Daniel Mayer who had held the post since 1944.
Before the war, Leon Blum had been the outstanding leader of the
socialist party. Mollet remained the socialist leader throughout
our time period, but the leadership did change hands at least
twice before 1950, and the changes occurred through election at
the party congresses.
1.05 Legislative Instability
Instability is .26, , AC7
The socialists reached their low point of
legislative representation in 1958, winning only 9 percent of the
seats.
1.06 electoral instability
Instability is .06 , , AC9
The socialists consistently won about 15
percent of the vote in all four
elections, 1951, 56, 58, and 62.
Governmental Status Variables,
2.01-2.07
2.01 government discrimination
0 for 1950-57, AC7
0 for 1958-62, AC9
The electoral law of 1951 worked against
the Gaullists and the Communists, and the law of 1958 worked
against the Communists. But these laws were backed by a coalition
of parties and were intended more to obstruct the Gaullists and
communists than to benefit any of the coalition parties behind the
laws.
2.02 Governmental Leadership
2 out of 8 for 1950-57, AC9
0 out of 5 for 1958-62, AC9
Mollet and Pineau were asked to try to form
governments during our time period. Only Mollet, who also failed
on two occasions, was successful, serving as premier from
February, 1956, to June, 1957. His 16 months in office was the
longest a government lasted during the fourth
republic.
2.03 Cabinet Participation
4 out of 8 for 1950-57, AC9
1 out of 5 for 1958-62, AC9
Socialists were in the government during
1950-51 and 1956-58. The rest of the time found them in opposition
to most governments formed during the fourth republic. The
socialists only narrowly voted to invest Degaulle as premier at
the close of the fourth republic and did not participate in the
government under the fifth republic during our time
period.
2.04 National Participation
6 for 1950-57, AC6
6 for 1958-62, AC5
According to 1956 sample survey data, these
four regions of France--Paris and north, west, east, and
center/south-- contributed to the SFIO vote in relatively close
approximation to their proportions of the population. The average
deviation of support across these four regions was 4.8 percentage
points.
2.05 Legislative Strength
Strength is .17 for 1950-57, ac8 and .09
for 1958-62, , AC6
The socialists reached their low point of
legislative representation in 1958, winning only 9 percent of the
seats.
2.06 electoral strength
Strength is .15 for 1950-57, ac9 and .14
for 1958-62, AC8
The socialists consistently won about 15
percent of the vote in all four
elections, 1951, 56, 58, and 62.
2.07 Outside Origin
8, ac9
According to our view of the socialist
party being formed by the minority of the erstwhile socialists in
1920 who refused to change into the Communist party, the party was
formed by leaders of a major legal organization.
Issue Orientation Variables, 5.01-5.15
5.01 Ownership of Means of
Production
5 for 1950-62, AC9
Collective ownership of the means of
production was a consistent and prominent policy of the socialists
throughout our time period, with roots in a declaration of
principle adopted in 1946.
5.02 Government Role in Economic
Planning
4 for 1950-62, AC7
Government intervention in the economy is
central to Marxism. While accepting a controlled economy, the
socialists on occasion voiced concern over economic restrictions
imposed by the government.
5.03 Redistribution of Wealth
1 for 1950-62, AC9
Socialist concern with redistribution of
wealth was focused largely on reFOrming the tax structure to make
it more progressive and aid lower income families.
5.04 Social Welfare
5 for 1950-62, AC9
Socialists were vocal and active in
supporting extended social security benefits, public housing, and
social welfare programs generally.
5.05 Secularization of Society
3 for 1950-62, AC9
Anti-clericalism within the party showed
consistently on state financial aid to private schools, which the
socialists opposed.
5.06 Support of the Military
0 for 1950-62, AC9
The long-run socialist position is for a
reduction in armaments, but the party supports military
expenditures in the short run to defend against the soviet
military threat.
5.07 Alignment with East-West
Blocs
3 for 1950-62, AC8
The socialists backed France's entry into
NATO and definitely sided with the west, but there was some
support for rapprochement with the soviet union.
5.08 Anti-colonialism
1, ac7
By ideology, the socialists were inclined
toward colonial disengagement. By politics, however, the
socialists found themselves involved in governments fighting the
indo-china war and repressing the rebellion in Algeria. Mollet as
premier, in fact, took a hard line on reprssion of the rebels in
on the other hand, a socialist government produced the major
legislative reFOrm act for overseas territories which granted
additional powers for self-government. Further evidence of the
schism and ambivalence within the party on anti-colonialism can be
seen in the 1959 party split over the Algerian policy. One source
states that socialists were radicals on colonial policy in
opposition but standpatters in office.
5.09 Supranational Integration
3 for 1950-62, AC9
The issue of European unification produced
some divisions within the socialist party, but the party position
was in favor of eventual European union. Indeed, there was support
for the u.n. to evolve into a world
government of sorts.
5.10 National Integration
3 for 1950-62, AC3
With the compartmentalization of socialist
support in peripheral areas of France, the socialists have
developed reasons for favoring some local autonomy of
municipalities.
5.11 Electoral Participation
5 for 1950-62, AC3
Universal adult suffrage apparently was
accepted as a latent policy position of the party.
5.12 Protection of Civil Rights
5 for 1950-62, AC9
Socialist belief in equality was
well-advertised.
5.13 Interference with Civil
Liberties
2 for 1950-62, AC5
Although socialists argued for civil
liberties, serious infringement of press freedom occurred during
Mollet's government in the midst of the Algerian
crisis.
5.14 / 5.15 us--soviet experts left-right
ratings
Us says 3, non-communist left
soviets say 3, socialist and
democratic
Goal Orientation Variables, 6.01-6.55
6.00 Open Competition in the Electoral
process
4 for 1950-62, AC9
The socialists had a major role in creating
the fourth republic and participated in its party politics as a
pro-system party, although
it often voted in opposition to particular
governments. While the socialists
were not unanimous in accepting the new
constitution for the fifth republic,
the socialist congress voted to support the
referendum by more than a 2/3
majority. Throughout our time period, the
party relied on conventional
electoral tactics to contest
elections--advertising on mass media, advertising through printed
posters and signs, occasionally canvassing voters, and frequently
holding public meetings.
6.10 Restricting Party
Competition
0 for 1950-62, AC9
The SFIO took no action to suppress rival
parties, but it did figure conspicuously in the formation of
electoral alliances in an attempt to defeat candidates of both the
left and right, with the communists drawing most of their fire in
the first part of our time period and the unr opposed
(in
Alliances with the PCF) in the 1962
elections. But the SFIO apparently did not engage in tactics of
harassing rival candidates, party workers, or voters.
6.20 Subverting the Political
System
0 for 1950-62, AC9
The issue of whether the SFIO should be a
revolutionary organization or a participant in the democratic
process was hotly debated within the party beFOre the second world
war. Its social democratic nature was clearly established at the
end of the war and the entrance into the fourth republic. There is
no evidence that the party engaged in any acts of terror or
sabotage or civil disruption during our time period.
6.30 Propagandizing Ideas and
Program
6.31-- 1
FOr 1950-57, ac3 and 0 for 1958-62, ac3.
The SFIO operated a party
Paper in the early 50"s, but it appears
that they had to stop publication later in our time
period.
6.32--0, ac5.
There is no eivdence that the SFIO operated
party schools.
6.33--2, ac7.
The SFIO passed resolutions, but no
reference is made to their content.
6.34--ac1.
No inFOrmation.
6.50 Providing for Welfare of Party
Members
Ac1
There is no inFOrmation on SFIO social
welfare activities.
Autonomy Variables, 7.01-7.05
7.01 Sources of Funds
7 for 1950-62, AC9
By far the bulk of the SFIO funds came from
membership fees and contributions by socialist
parliamentarians.
7.02 Source of Members
5 for 1950-62, AC6
The SFIO never developed links to the trade
unions comparable to the British Labour party, and membership in
the party was entirely direct.
7.03 Sources of Leaders
2 (sectors 03, 10), AC9
Some 64 percent of SFIO deputies elected at
the 1956, 1958, and 1962 elections came from the
education/scientific/professional sector of society, with 31
percent teachers. Another 16 percent were civil servants, coming
from the government bureaucracy. These two sectors combined
produce about 80 percent of the SFIO deputies.
7.04 Relations with Domestic
Parties
4 for 1950-57, AC9
5 for 1958-62,
ac9
Socialists entered electoral,
Parliamentary, and governmental alliances in
the first half of our time period, but in the second half, they
only gave parliamentary support to debre's government, without
participating in the cabinet.
7.05 Relations with foreign
Organizations
3 for 1950-62, ac9
The SFIO, while still not really the French section of the
Workers' International as its name implies, was an active
participant in the Socialist International, founded in 1951 with
the SFIO as a charter member. Of 45 members elected by the
congress with majority voting, and a secretariat. formal provision
is given for minority representation in the national congress and
the executive committee.
Organizational Complexity Variables,
8.01-8.07
8.01 Structural Articulation
11 for 1950-62, ac9
The SFIO had four well-defined national
organs--the National Congress composed of elected delegates from
the departmental Federations with voting strength proportional to
the federation membership, the national council composed of one
member from each federation to make party policy between
congresses, the executive committee consisting of 45 members
elected by the congress with majority voting, and a secretariat.
formal provision was given for minority representation in the
national congress and the executive committee.
8.02 Intensiveness of
Organization
4 for 1950-62, ac9
The basic organizational unit in the SFIO
was the section, supposedly based on the commune, which is the
smallest territorial unit in France. Of the almost 38,000 communes
in France, more than 30,000 had fewer than 1,000 inhabitants.
Because there were only about 8,000 sections in the SFIO, the
geographical basis would appear to correspond with subdivisions of
the about 500 electoral districts for parliamentary representation
and to include somewhere between 1,000 and 50,000 voters as the
modal size.
8.03 Extensiveness of
Organization
5 for 1950-62, ac9
SFIO sections were scattered throughout
France, presumably existing in every electoral district, although
the 8,000 sections covered less than 1/3 of the almost 38,000
communes.
8.04 Frequency of Local
Meetings
6 for 1950-62, ac8
local sections of the SFIO usually met
monthly or fortnightly.
8.05 Frequency of National
Meetings
4 for 1950-62, ac9
The national council of the SFIO met every
3 months, but the executive committee presumably met much more
often.
8.06 Maintaining Records
5 for 1950-62, ac7
SFIO published some party propaganda, did
not seem to maintain organized resources for research, and
maintained lists of party members that were not considered
especially accurate.
8.07 Pervasiveness of
Organization
7 for 1950-62, ac9
Tthe socialists had some labor union
affiliation, but it was a relatively minor one in comparison to
the PCF and the MRP, which had links to the two strongest unions.
The FO, Force Ouvriere, represented only about 15 percent of
unionized workers, and SFIO control was relatively low
over
The FO at that. Stronger affiliation
probably existed with teachers" unions, but they were less
important politically. The SFIO also had not met with much success
in its youth program or its efforts to cultivate farmers'
organizational support.
Organizational Power Variables, 9.01-9.08
9.01 nationalization of
structure
5 For 1950-62, ac9
The SFIO was composed of sections organized
into federations which sent delegates to the national congress and
which were represented on the national council. The federations
were quite important in the party structure, having proportional
voting in the national congress according to federation
membership.
9.02 selecting the national
leader
7 For 1950-62, ac9
The national leader of the SFIO was the
secretary-general, who was elected by the executive
committee.
9.03 selecting parliamentary
candidates
5, ac9
The selection of candidates was done by the
local sections in an electoral district. These choices were
ratified by the federations, but the federation rarely negated the
section's choice.
9.04 allocating funds
2 for 1950-62, ac7
The major portion of SFIO funds was
collected by the local sections, which bought membership cards
from the federations which in turn bought cards from the naitonal
headquarters. The sections returned only about half of the money
received for selling cards to members. The federations return less
than half of the remainder to the national
headquarters.
9.05 formulating policy
5 for 1950-62, ac9
The annual national congress enacted party
policy through a process that involved submission of motions in
advance to the federations for discussion. The subsequent congress
meetings often involved vigorous debate between federations of
opposing views and even involved minority positions expressed
within federations. The national council was empowered to make
party policy between congresses.
9.06 controlling communications
5 for 1950-62, ac6
The executive committee of the SFIO
appointed the editors of the party's newspapers, which included
one national and two provincial papers, but the party press was
not widely read.
9.07 administering discipline
4 for 1950-62, ac9
The executive committee, which had only
20
Parliamentarians out of a membership of 45,
was empowered to expel deputies
From the party. In some cases, even
departmental federations were disbanded,
But these more severe punishments were
undertaken by the national council.
9.08 leadership concentration
3 for 1950-62, ac7
Guy Mollet, as secretary-general of the
SFIO throughout our time period and
since 1946, clearly was the most important leader of the party,
but the SFIO was not a one man party. The executive committee
exercised effective collective leadership over party activities,
and was not merely a rubber-stamp for Mollet's personal
wishes.
Coherence Variables, 10.01-10.06
10.01 legislative cohesion
96 for 1950-62, ac5
Of the 79 principal votes in the national
assembly from 1950 through 58 reported in williams, crisis and
compromise, only 8 showed a Rice index of cohesion less than 95.
In general, then, the socialist deputies vote very much as a unit,
although considerable division was displayed on a few
issues.
10.02 ideological factionalism
2 for 1950-62, ac7
The SFIO has periodically experienced
tensions between
Doctrinaire militants and the more
opportunistic parliamentarians. While this conflict had
ideological roots, it erupted mainly over questions of tactics or
strategy, and thus is given clearest expression in variable number
10.05. But other forms of ideological disagreement can be seen in
differing positions on economic reform versus nationalization of
means of production.
10.03 issue factionalism
5, ac9
Foreign policy issues in particular
provoked divisions within the Socialist party. While some occurred
over German rearmament and the edc, the most enduring factions
developed over the party's colonial policy. Large numbers of
militants were ideologically opposed to colonialism but found
themselves in a party which was involved in government fighting
the Indo-China war and repressing a rebellion in Algeria. A group
finally split from the party in 1958 over the Algerian
policy.
10.04 leadership factionalism
0 for 1950-57, ac3
3 for 1958-62, ac8
During the first part of our time period,
the SFIO seemed untroubled by challenges to Mollet's leadership.
But beginning in 1957, he was challenged, unsuccessfully, by a
small group led by Depreux and Verdier.
10.05 strategic or tactical
factionalism
1 for 1950-57, ac8
6 for 1958-62, ac6
Most of the SFIO battles over how to
compete against the communists were settled by 1951, with the
enactment of the electoral law that discriminated against both
Gaullists and communists.
Beginning in 1958, with the return of
Degaulle to power, the tactical question of whether to support
Degaulle as premier under the fourth republic and then the
strategic question of supporting the constitution for the fifth
republic so divided the party that the opposition wing split off,
forming what was to eventually emerge as the unified socialist
party, PSU.
10.06 party purges
0 for 1950-62, ac9
One might find instances of purges within
SFIO before our time period, but the party did not attempt this
means of mass purification after 1950.
Involvement Variables, 11.01-11.06
11.01 membership requirements
3 for 1950-62, ac9
Membership was determined by buying a
membership card and paying dues, normally through the purchase of
monthly stamps.
11.02 membership participation
3 for 1950-62, ac7
The SFIO seemed to be split between two
classes of members - those who were only marginally involved by
sporadic attendance at party functions and those who were more
regularly involved in party meetings and activities.
11.03 material incentives
1 for 1950-62, ac3
While the SFIO's governmental status at the
national level was not great enough to support party work through
the distribution of influence or jobs, the socialists held many
important positions on the municipal and cantonal
levels.
11.04 purposive incentives
2 for 1950-62, ac3
Many of the SFIO militants seem possessed
by socialist ideology, and the desire to
effectuate socialist doctrine in the state was undoubtedly a great
motivating force. Many office holders, however, were far more
pragmatic in their approach to politics than most
militants.
11.05 doctrinism
2 for 1950-62, ac7
There is a body of literature by Marx,
Juares, Guesde, and Proudhon that party members continually refer
to, but the interpretation of this literature varied and written
doctrine did not always become party policy.
11.06 personalism
0 for 1950-62, ac5
During the era of Leon Blum before the war,
personalism may have played some role in the motivation of SFIO
militants. But even though Mollet held the leadership throughout
our time period, it appears that he did not develop a charismatic
hold over party militants.