The "ac" code is for "adequacy-confidence"--a
data
quality measure ranging from 0 (low) to 9
(high)
Party Name and Code number
Popular Republican Movement, 111, Mouvement
Republican Populaire, MRP
Institutionalization
Variables, 1.01-1.06
1.01 year of origin and 1.02 name
changes:
1944, ac9
1, ac9
France failed to develop a major Catholic
political party until after World War II. A Catholic party, the
Jeune Republique, was founded by M. Sangnier in 1912, but it
attracted only a few deputies. The Popular Democratic Party, which
was founded in 1924, also failed to acquire any real strength
inside or outside of parliament. During the German occupation,
Christian democrats and Catholic groups were very active in the
resistance, and the proposal was made in 1943 to draw these
various groups, including the remnants of the Jeune Republique and
the PDP, into a single political movement. The party was
tentatively named the Mouvement Republicain de Liberation, and its
first congress was held in Paris in October, 1944. Its name was
soon changed to Mouvement Republique Populaire, MRP, which
remained with the party throughout our time period.
1.03 organizational
discontinuity:
12, ac8
In the first part of our time period there
were two main splits from the party, one to the right and one to
the left. In 1958, Bidault left the party to start a rival
Christian democratic party that met with little success. Although
the departure of Bidault as a former president of the party might
be considered a major split, he was apparently not very successful
in taking party activists with him, thus it was judged a minor
split. After our time period, the MRP declined as a distinct
organization and by mid-1966 was part of the Centre Democratique,
whose own existence subsequently deteriorated.
1.04 leadership competition
16, ac8
The post of party president was identified
as the top leadership position, although parliamentary leaders
often wielded power within the party. Maurice Schumann, former
president of the Jeune Republique, was elected the first president
of the MRP at its founding congress in 1944. George Bidault
succeeded Schumann as party president in 1949. He in turn was
replaced by P.H.Tietgen in 1952. Pierre Pflimin replaced Tietgen
in 1955, and Andre Colin followed in 1959 and closed out our
perointerest.
1.05 legislative instability
Instability is .15, ac7
Legislative representation of the MRP
decreased rather steadily from a high of 27 percent of the seats
in 1950 to 8 percent in 1962.
1.06 electoral instability
Instability is .09, ac8
Data are for four elections--1951, 56, 58,
and 62.
The party's proportion of the vote slipped from 12 percent in 1951
to 9 percent in 1962.
Governmental Status Variables,
2.01-2.07
2.01 government
discrimination:
0 for 1950-62, ac6
Under par in the first part of our time
period, the MRP operated as one of the governmental parties and
could claim little in the way of special consideration or
obstruction. The second ballot procedure during most of the second
half of our time period, if anything, may have helped the MRP,
which could enter into second stage electoral alliances because of
its center position. But the intent of the second ballot
arrangement was hardly to help the MRP.
2.02 governmental leadership:
1 out of 8 for 1950-57, ac9
1 out of 5 for 1958-62, ac9
Bidault began an eight month stay as
premier in 1949 that lasted until June, 1950. No MRP held the
premier post again until Pflimlin took over in may 1958, lasting
less than a month before DeGaulle was invested.
2.03 cabinet participation:
6 out of 8 for 1950-57, ac7
5 out of 5 for 1958-62, ac7
The MRP almost monopolized the foreign
office during the fourth republic, and it had frequent control of
health, the colonies, and agriculture. During the fifth republic,
the MRP participated in the debre government in an alliance with
the UNR and the conservatives which lasted until 1962, when the
MRP ministers resigned over DeGaulle's policy toward European
integration.
2.04 national participation:
6 for 1950-57, ac6
6 for 1958-62, ac5
According to 1956 sample survey data, these
four regions of France--Paris and north, west, east, and
center/south--contributed to the MRP vote in close approximation
to their proportions of the population. The average deviation of
support across these four regions was 1.5 percentage
points.
2.05 legislative strength:
Strength is .14 for 1950-57, ac7 and .09
for 1958-62,ac9
Legislative representation of the MRP
decreased rather steadily from a high of 27 percent of the seats
in 1950 to 8 percent in 1962.
2.06 electoral strength:
Strength is .11 for 1950-57, ac8 and .10
for 1958-62, ac8
Data are for four elections--1951, 56, 58,
and 62.
The party's proportion of the vote slipped
from 12 percent in 1951 to 9 percent in 1962.
2.07 outside origin:
8, ac9
The party was formed by intellectual leaders among progressive
Catholics who urged the fusion of the spirit of resistance with
Christianity. Leaders of Catholic groups were prominent in the
party.
Issue Orientation Variables, 5.01-5.15
5.01 ownership of means of
production:
3 for 1950-62, ac9
Sponsored legislation to nationalize some
industries, but it did not favor complete collective
ownership.
5.02 government role in economic
planning:
3 for 1950-62, ac7
Support of economic planning generally fits
with its liberal economic orientation.
5.03 redistribution of wealth:
1 for 1950-62, ac7
Critical of social inequities produced in
the economy, the MRP favored redistribution of income through
family allowance and social security plans.
5.04 social welfare:
1 for 1950-62, ac7
The MRP certainly favored social welfare
programs, but the scope of the program was not notably
large.3)
5.05 secularization of society:
3 for 1950-62, ac9
The barange law, giving state aid to
private schools, meaning mainly catholic schools in France, was
introduced in parliament by independents but was supported by the
MRP. The party treated this issue gingerly, trying to keep a
posture of separation of church and state. But as a Catholic
party, it had to support the state subsidy to church
education.
5.06 support of the military:
1 for 1950-62, ac3
Very little information on this variable,
but it does appear that the party had some anxiety over military
influence in politics.)
5.07 alignment with east-west
blocs:
5 for 1950-62, ac9
As an anti-Marxist party, it aligned with
the west against the USSR, supporting NATO in
particular.
5.08 anti-colonialism:
2 for 1950-57, ac6
2 for 1958-62, ac6
The Algerian question divided the party,
which was inclined to suppress the rebellion during the first half
of our time period. With the Bidault split in 1959, the party
became more unified behind a policy of self-determination for
Algeria.
5.09 supranational integration:
3 for 1950-62, ac9
European integration was one of the main
concerns of the party, which favored economic integration and
expected some form of political integration to follow.
5.10 national integration
2 for 1950-62, ac3
MRP policy generally supported pluralism.
This was reflected in favoring the decentralization of the
administrative structure to permit more local
autonomy.)
5.11 electoral participation:
5 for 1950-62, ac3
Popular sovereignty seemed to be a settled
and accepted matter.
5.12 protection of civil
rights:
1 for 1950-62, ac3 *
Basic party philosophy of individual
liberty suggests that it favored the discouragement of
discrimination rather than its repression.
5.13 interference with civil
liberties:
3 for 1950-62, ac3
The MRP's opposition to prostitution and
pornography suggests that individual freedom might be limited when
encountering moral matters.
US says 2, center
Soviets say 1, a clerical party of the democratic center, but
bourgeois, reactionary, and promoting interests of major
bourgeoisie.
Goal Orientation Variables, 6.01-6.55
6.00 open competition in the
electoral process:
4 for 1950-62, ac9
The MRP was definitely oriented toward
electoral competition. The literature does not elaborate on its
campaign activities, but it appears that the party utilized
broadcast time when available, made extensive use of posters, and
held party rallies. There is no information on its canvassing
voters or transporting them to polls.
6.10 restricting party
competition:
0 for 1950-62, ac9
The MRP, somewhat like the radicals,
engaged in electoral alliances intended against both the extreme
left and the extreme right. But these inclinations toward
electoral alliances should not be judged as restrictions of
competition.
6.20 subverting the political
system:
0 for 1950-62, ac9
These activities were just not part of the
MRP's political tactics.
6.30 propagandizing ideas and
program:
6.31--1 for 1950-57, ac8 and 1 for 1958-62,
ac6.
The MRP published various party periodicals
during our time period.
6.32--1, ac6.
One source reports that the MRP adopted the
communist practice of using training schools to indoctrinate party
workers. But our consultant advises that this practice did not
seem to be extensive.
6.33, 6.34--ac1.
No information.
6.50 providing for welfare of party
members:
6.51, 6.52, 6.53, 6.55--0, ac3.
There is no evidence that the party
provided these social welfare measures.
6.54 ac1, insufficient evidence prevents
coding.
Autonomy Variables, 7.01-7.05
7.01 sources of funds:
7 for 1950-62, ac8
The literature states that the major
sources of funds were essentially party sources--membership dues
and some parliamentarians' salaries.
7.02 source of members:
5 for 1950-62, ac8
Although the MRP is considered to be a
Catholic party, membership in the party was entirely direct and
taken out on an individual basis. Membership in the church or
associated trade unions did not constitute membership in the
party.
7.03 sources of leaders:
1 (sector 06), ac8
By far most of the leaders in the party,
but not all of them, held positions in the Catholic Trade Union or
other catholic organizations.
7.04 relations with domestic
parties:
4 for 1950-57, ac8
4 for 1958-62, ac7
During the first part of our time period,
the MRP was often involved in parliamentary alliances and
government coalitions. During the second half, it participated in
the DeGaulle regime until 1962, when its ministers resigned in
opposition to DeGaulle's posture against European
integration.
7.05 relations with foreign
organizations:
4 for 1950-62, ac8
During our time period of interest and stopping in 1962, the MRP's
association with the Nouvelles Equipes Internationales, the
Christian Democratic Organization (later replaced by the European
Union of Christian Democrats) was much closer than
later.
Organizational Complexity Variables,
8.01-8.07
8.01 structural
articulation:
11 for 1950-62, ac9
MRP organization featured a national
congress with rather clear composition that operated by secret
ballot in electing the party president and the secretary-general,
a national committee of somewhat smaller size with some coopted
members, an executive committee of 50, a smaller political bureau,
and a secretariat. In addition, there were some specialized teams
and research sections.
8.02 intensiveness of
organization:
5 for 1950-62, ac8
Local sections, based on the commune or
canton and consisting of at least 10 members, constituted the
lowest element in the party. These sections formed into
federations which consisted of at least five sections and 100
members, although the size requirement was sometimes
overlooked.
8.03 extensiveness of
organization:
ac1
No information
8.04 frequency of local
meetings:
ac1
No information
8.05 frequency of national
meetings:
5 for 1950-62, ac8
The national committee met every two
months. The executive committee, however, meets more frequently.
In some ways, the executive committee of the MRP corresponded more
to the national committees of other parties than the national
committee itself, for the MRP organ was larger and more
legislative in character. But we have stayed with the national
committee for the comparison.
8.06 maintaining records:
8 for 1950-62, ac8
The party had something of a publishing
program, featuring a weekly and political pamphlets. It also
maintained a research organization and compiled membership lists,
but there is no comment on the quality of the lists.
8.07 pervasiveness of
organization:
17 for 1950-62, ac9
During our time period the Catholic CFDT Trade Union was second
only to the Pro-Communist CGT Union. MRP influence in the CFDT was
strong, and the party created and operated its own organizations
involving women, youth, professional, and rural
organizations.
Organizational Power Variables, 9.01-9.08
9.01 nationalization of
structure:
4 for 1950-62, ac9
The MRP structure was pyramidal in
character, but control at the top was generally in the hands of
parliamentarians. The line of control extended from the national
organs directly to the federations, which were interposed between
the national organization and the local sections.
9.02 selecting the national
leader:
3 for 1950-62, ac9
The congress elected the president and the
secretary general (two offices) by secret ballot. The president
was prohibited from serving more than three one-year
terms.
9.03 selecting parliamentary
candidates:
5 for 1950-62, ac9
Parliamentary candidates were chosen by the
federation through secret ballot procedures, although there was
still room for unchallenged candidacies. The federation's
selections were approved by the national executive committee. The
literature does not reveal what kind of a hurdle this really
was.
9.04 allocating funds:
2 for 1950-62, ac5
The federations bought membership cards
from the national office and then sold them to local members at a
higher price, thus obtaining funds for use at the federation level
and for distribution to the sections. It appears that most of the
money remained at the federation and local levels.
9.05 formulating policy:
5 for 1950-62, ac8
It appears that the congress within the MRP
functioned more like a policy-making, or at least
policy-ratifying, body than in most other parties in which the
congress is supposed to have that function.
9.06 controlling
communications:
6 for 1950-62, ac8
In lieu of a national party newspaper,
which folded in 1951, the national organization appeared to rely
upon the distribution of circulars through the secretariat as a
medium of intraparty communication.
9.07 administering discipline:
4 for 1950-62, ac9
Expulsion from the party was the main
disciplinary technique. It was provided for in party statutes in
conjunction with activities of the executive
committee.
9.08 leadership concentration:
3 for 1950-62, ac9
Binding decisions in the MRP were a product of its leadership
committees rather than individual personalities.
Coherence Variables, 10.01-10.06
10.01 legislative
cohesion:
.84 for 1950-57, ac8
.84 for 1958-62, ac5
Based on the 79 principal roll call votes
for 1950 to 1958 as reported in Williams, "crisis and compromise,"
the mean rice index of cohesion for the MRP was 84. Comparable
data were not available after 1958.
10.02 ideological factionalism:
3 for 1950-62, ac8
There clearly were ideological tendencies
in both directions within the party. To some extent, this division
was associated with the militants, who were more inclined to
leftist policies, and the parliamentarians, who better reflected
the conservatism of the MRP voters.
10.03 issue factionalism:
2 for 1950-57, ac5
3 for 1958-62, ac8
The party's position on colonial questions
perhaps provoked the most division within the party on specific
issues. The party's internal differences peaked in 1958 with the
expulsion of Bidault, who had taken a hard line colonial stand on
the Algerian question and was generally unsupported by the bulk of
the party.
10.04 leadership factionalism:
1 for 1950-62, ac8
Contests for leadership were visible, but
they were not enshrined in party factionalism.
10.05 strategic or tactical
factionalism:
0 for 1950-62, ac4
The literature does not discuss MRP tactics
and strategy as a basis for factionalism during our time period.
Perhaps later, when the issue of the continuation of the party
itself was at hand, the strategy questions were relevant as a
basis for factionalism.
10.06 party purges:
0 for 1950-62, ac9
Wholesale expulsion of MRP members had no place in the party's
method of operation.
Involvement Variables, 11.01-11.06
11.01 membership requirements:
3 for 1950-62, ac9
Formal membership registration and dues
payment were required of party members.
11.02 membership participation:
2 for 1950-62, ac7
Data show that only about 20 percent of the
80,000 members in 1956 actively campaigned. If we take this as the
measure of militancy, which is not very demanding, it seems that
relatively few were militant. Another study showed that 30 percent
attended party meetings, which suggests that most of the members
fall in the category of marginal members at best.
11.03 material incentives:
0 for 1950-62, ac3
The literature makes no mention of material
incentives as a motivational force for party militants. If it is
true that most of the militants were young, then the rewards of
office-holding were unlikely to be an available source of
motivation.
11.04 purposive incentives:
4 for 1950-62, ac8
It seems that the young militants injected
idealistic values into the party. The literature makes frequent
comment about the social service orientation of the
militants.
11.05 doctrinism:
1 for 1950-62, ac6
There is mention of the papal encyclicals
giving guidance to the party, but this cannot be considered as a
codification of party doctrine.
11.06 personalism:
0 for 1950-62, ac9
Leaders were not so important within the MRP. Even its former
leader, Bidault, was expelled by the party, and his departure
caused little defection by party members.