The "ac" code is for "adequacy-confidence"--a
data
quality measure ranging from 0 (low) to 9
(high)
Party name and code number
Austrian League of Independents,
later the Freedom or Liberal Party, 103, Verband der Unabhangigen,
VDU, then Freiheitliche Partei Osterreichs, FPO, 103
Information base and
researchers
Information on the VDU was coded
from 746 pages of literature and 132 documents on party politics
in Austria. 306 of these pages, or 18 percent, deal with the VDU.
5 of the documents--4 percent--are in French, and 21 documents--16
percent--are in German. Raymond Duvall indexed the literature for
retrieval. Raymond Duvall coded the first two variable clusters.
Kenneth Janda coded the remainr from research notes by
Duvall.
Institutionalization
Variables, 1.01-1.06
1.01 year of origin and 1.02 name
changes
1949, AC9
6, AC7
All sources agree that the VDU began in 1949, immediately prior to
the elections of that year. The only possible difficulty is in
1955-56, when the VDU disappeared and the FPO emerged. Most
sources talk of the FPO As a direct successor to the VDU, but
there do seem to be important differences , including different
leadership, and smaller popular support. The weight of scholarly
opinion, however, resolves the issue in favor of considering the
VDU and FPO one organization. Thus the emergence of the FPO is
scored as a major name change. Also in 1949 the VDU changed its
name to Wahlpartei der Unabhangigen for the purposes of running
candidates. No changes occurred after 1956.
1.03 organizational
discontinuity
8, AC7
Organizational discontinuity is continuous from 1949 (birth of the
VDU ) to 1956 (name change to FPO), with expulsions of provincial
executive Committees and dissolution of entire provincial
organizations (both in 1949), The expulsion of a general
secretary, a parliamentary representative, and Finally the
withdrawal of two leaders and founders (kraus and reimann)
together with their following of nearly 50 percent of the party's
supporters. No splits or mergers, however, were reported for the
post-1956 period.
1.04 leadership
competition
16, AC9
Three changes occurred in the office of party chairman, with most
changes, at least, occurring through an electoral process in the
large national party congress. The chairmen were Kraus (1949-52),
Stendebach (1952-56), Reinthaller (1956-58), and Peter
(1958-62).
1.05 / 2.05 legislative
instability and strength instability is .38, AC8
Strength is .09 for 1950-55, AC8
and .04 for 1956-62, AC9
The VDU-FPO was distinctly a minor party next to the two other
giants in the nationalrat. The VDU-FPO never held more than 10
percent of the seats, and Its proportion slipped to 3 percent for
1956-1958.
1.06 / 2.06 electoral instability
and strength instability is .17, AC9
Strength is .11 for 1950-55, AC9
and .07 for 1956-62, AC9
The strongest showing of the VDU-FPO was in 1953, when it won 11
percent of the vote. Its support remained about 7 percent for the
elections of 1956, 1959, and 1962.
Governmental Status Variables,
2.01-2.07
2.01 government
discrimination
11 for 1st half, AC3
-3 for 2nd half, AC5
The practice of handing out private ballot paper (until 1959)
clearly discriminated against other parties In favor of the OVP in
rural and alpine areas. Equal radio time was clearly denied the
VDU (FPO), with the OVP and SPO being given much free government
Radio time. In addition, during the first time period, an
effective ban was imposed on two VDU newspapers for three months
throughout the country by the executive committee of the allied
council of occupation forces.
2.02 governmental leadership
0 out of 6 for 1950-55, AC9
0 out of 7 for 1956-62, AC9
The VDU-FPO never Held positions of government leadership, with
the socialists always holding the Office of president and the OVP
always holding the chancellorship.
2.03 cabinet participation
0 out of 6 for 1950-56, AC9
0 out of 7 for 1956-62, AC9
The coalition Between the OVP and SPO never included "third party"
personnel. The VDU-FPO never participated in the government during
our time period. The closest the Cabinet came to non-OVP or
non-SPO members were a couple of "non party" persons (e.g.,
minister of finance, kamitz) selected by the two major parties to
fill Ministries apportioned to them.
2.04 national
participation
5, AC7
The VDU-FPO, while relatively weak nationally, is nonetheless, a
national party in that it competes in all national elections and
its support is not terribly skewed toward one region. By provinces
the range in percentage of votes in the first time period is from
4 percent (burgenland) to 19 percent (Salzburg) in 1953. In terms
of percent of party support from each of the four electoral
districts, the range is somewhat greater with 1956 showing only
9.3 Percent from lower Austria and 35.7 percent from district 3
(Upper Austria, Tyrol, Vorarlberg, and Salzburg). In the second
time period the range is Slightly greater for the same two
districts--9.5 percent to 38.3 percent. But the fact that the
party has been able to win seats from each of the four districts
establishes it as a national party. The average deviation of party
support from population distribution for all four electoral
districts was 4.4 in 1953, 5.1 in 1956, 3.8 in 1959, and 4.7 in
1962.
2.07 outside origin
6, AC7
The primary movers in the 1949 founding of the VDU were apparently
Kraus and reimann, two Salzburg-based journalists and
publishers.
Issue Orientation Variables, 5.01-5.15
5.01 ownership of means of
production
5 for 1st half, AC8
-5 for 2nd half, AC6
The VDU position in the first part of our period was in favor of
free enterprise and against further nationalization, in fact in
favor of denationalization. The one reference to The FPO position
in 1961 indicated that the party opposed nationalization. It is
assumed that the same program was in force.
5.02 government role in economic
planning
5, AC9
There were only three references to the party's position in the
literature, but they all clearly indicated the party's opposition
to economic planning in any form. Specifically, the party opposed
the wage price agreements worked out by the OVP and the SPO. More
generally, the party claimed that the role of the state should be
limited to preservation of law and order and conduct of foreign
affairs, interfering as little as possible with the country's
economy.
5.03 redistribution of
wealth
3, AC6
The literature in our file does not discuss the VDU/FPO position
on distribution of wealth, but our consultant states that the
party was undoubtedly against major redistribution.
5.04 social welfare
3, AC5
Our files contain no information on the VDU/FPO position on social
welfare. Our consultant reports that the party's 1957 program
SPOnsored assistance for large families but stressed the need for
sta ble currency to Assist people in saving for retirement (rather
than relying on social security type arrangements) and generously
took the side of the professional and self- Employed middle class
against the bureaucracy, i.e., the two large parties.
5.05 secularization of
society
3, AC7
Two references were made to the anti-clerical nature of the party,
but They did not elaborate the party's position.
5.06 support of the
military
3, AC4
It was stated that the party would favor neutrality as a principle
in foreign policy only if Austria were armed. This is taken as a
pro-military position but is treated only as a moderate position
in the absence of other Information.
5.07 alignment with east-west
blocs
1, AC8
The VDU-FPO is on record in support of a neutral Austria, but it
favors neutrality only within the framework of an armed western
Europe. It is definitely inclined away from Moscow.
5.08 anti-colonialism
3 for 1st half, AC8
0 for 2nd half, AC4
Like the two major parties, the VDU supported Austrian
independence during the first part of our time period. In the
second half, the party did not focus on relationships with the
former occupying countries, and freedom from foreign domination
from these countries was not an issue for it. But the party took a
special and different position concerning its relationships with
Germany. This matter is treated under variable 5.09.
5.09 supranational
integration
5, AC9
The basic issue for the VDU-FPO was its grossdeutsche ideology.
Renewed links with Germany constituted its main platform plank. It
pushed for entrance into eec in expectation of German domination
of the common market and eventual political union in a larger
German dominated European entity.
5.10 national
integration
5, AC8
The VDU-FPO appeared to be a vigorous opponent of the slovene
minority In carinthia, where it also drew strong support. The
party promoted Austrian And Germanic customs in oppostion to the
cultural tendencies of the slovenes.
5.11 electoral
participation
5, AC6
Our files contained no explicit information about the VDU/FPO on
this issue, but our consultant states that the party favored
universal adult suffrage.
5.12 protection of civil rights
0, AC4
There were scattered and veiled references to the VDU-FPO
discrimination against Jews. On the other hand, the party was said
to have Taken a strong stand opposing discrimination against
former Nazis. So the party's position can be considered as
contradictory on this variable.
5.13 interference with civil
liberties
1, AC3
There is no information in our files concerning the VDU/FPO
position on this issue. Our consultant advises our code purely on
an impressionistic basis.
5.14 / 5.15 US--Soviet experts
left-right ratings
US says 1, conservative
Soviets say 1, the party unites part of the petty and Middle
bourgeoisie oriented toward western Germany. The party has many
former Nazis and Sudeten Germans, and it is closely allied with
reactionary west German organizations. It was founded on the basis
of the neo-fascist union of independents.
Goal Orientation Variables, 6.01-6.55
6.00 open competition in
the electoral process
3, AC7
The VDU-FPO followed mainly a strategy of competition in
elections. It sought to maneuver for electoral advantage by
changing its name and by Entering into electoral coalition with a
minor group for one election. Seats Won by the VDU-FPO would keep
either of the other parties from obtaining a majority in the
nationalrat and could present the opportunity for inclusion in the
governing coalition itself--with the OVP and with or without the
SPO, which Was ideologically opposed to the VDU-FPO.
6.10 restricting party
competition
0, AC9
The party was never in a position to restrict the competition of
other Parties.
6.20 subverting political
system
1, AC7
The literature suggests that the VDU-FPO was oriented also to the
possibility of subverting the political system in Austria.
Certainly this would mean ending the governing coalition and
allowing the party to participate In government. But in addition,
some authors believed that elements in the Party aimed at toppling
the system itself, giving the party an opportunity to Reactivate
nationalistic pro-German elements in the society. There is some
Evidence that the VDU supported the communist call for a general
strike in 1950 , which some say was aimed at an eventual
coup.
6.50 providing for welfare of
party members
AC1
No information.
Autonomy Variables, 7.01-7.05
7.01 sources of funds
AC2
There is really no useful report of the sources of VDU-FPO
funding. One source mentions that the party was financed in part
by a secret subsidy from the SPO. Another suggests that it may
have received support from all the occupying powers during the
first part of our period. For most writers, the party is viewed in
negative terms, and skullduggery is seen in its financial
support.
7.02 source of
members
4, AC4
One source mentions that there was a type of indirect membership
available to groups which wished to affiliate to the party. But
there was no elaboration on the proportion of the membership that
was affiliated in this manner. The bulk of the membership is
thought to be direct.
7.03 sources of
leaders
1 (sector 03), AC4
One source said that in the early part of our time period the
party's parliamentary representatives were intellectuals,
journalists, and professional men, but this reference was not very
specific.
7.04 relations with domestic
parties
7, AC9
The VDU-FPO attempted to gain entry into the governing coalition
on several occasions. Initially, the VDU was excluded from the
coalition because it was suspected of harboring both ex-Nazis and
communists. Later, the party Was courted in a guarded manner by
both the OVP and SPO. Economically, it was closer to the OVP, but
it might have joined with the SPO on the issue of anit-
clericalism. However, the pan-German orientation of the VDU-FPO
proved to be Too threatening for either major party to pursue
coalition possibilities past The feeler stage.
7.05 relations with foreign
organizations
5, AC6
One source mentioned that the VDU was denied membership in the
liberal International because of the Nazi backgrounds of some of
its leaders.
Organizational Complexity Variables,
8.01-8.07
8.01 structural
aticulation
4, AC7
There is not much discussion of VDU-FPO organization in the
literature, but there is certainly a party congress and an
executive committee, which has an inner executive as well. The
congress met annually during the second part of our period, and it
seems to have met regularly before then as well. Exact membership
of the executive committees is identifiable, but there is no
discussion of the selection procedures, which are thought to
involve a substantial amount of cooptation. The functions of the
congress and the executive committees are not clear, and there is
no statement of the relationship between the national organs and
the parliamentary deputies.
8.02 intensiveness of
organization
3, AC6
The literature contains little discussion of local organization in
the VDU/FPO. It appears that the lander organizations function as
the basic units of the party.
8.03 extensiveness of
organization
AC1
No information.
8.04 frequency of local
meetings
AC1
No information.
8.05 frequency of national
meetings
6 for 1st half, AC6
6 for 2nd half, AC4
There is one statement in the early part of our period that the
VDU executive committee meets once a month. It is assumed that the
FPO follows the same procedure, although the frequency of meetings
is not well documented originally.
8.06 maintaining
records
1, AC5
There is something of a VDU-FPO press. Die Neu Front was
published by The party, and there appears to be some weekly
publications as well. But it does not appear that the party has
any archive or research division worth mentioning, and membership
figures are not published and estimates are considered
unreliable.
8.07 pervasiveness of
organization
3, AC5
On paper, the FPO is supposed to maintain organizations for
businessmen, workers, and students, but it appears that these were
not operating during our time period. Supposedly, there was a
farmer's organization since 1952, but no membership figures were
given. A teacher's Organization founded in 1953 had an estimated
2,200 members in 1960. A women's organization founded in 1955
seems to have folded by 1960.
Organizational Power Variables, 9.01-9.08
9.01 nationalization of
structure
4, AC4
There are national organs of the party as described in variable
8.01, but there was no mention of local organizations at all.
Accepting the single reference to the existence of provincial
organs as fact, one expects that there Are at least national and
provincial levels to the organization, and it seems Likely that
the national organs are superior to the regional ones.
9.02 selecting the national
leader
6, AC3
There is no discussion of procedures for selecting the national
leader. Noting the several changes in leadership and recognizing
the disunity within the organization, one would guess that these
leadership changes are the result of power struggles within the
executive committee, although formal selection is by the party
congress.
9.03 selecting parliamentary
candidates
9, AC5
One source notes that the federal executive has the predominant
role In selecting candidates in the FPO.
9.04 allocating funds
0, AC5
The party was said to have received support from all sources,
including russian, american, british, and french forces during the
occupation-- For quite different purposes, of course. One source
held that the party also got a secret subsidy from the SPO. In any
event, there appears to be little structure to the fund raising
activities of the VDU-FPO. As a class, ex-Nazis are said to be
important contributors.
9.05 formulating
policy
AC1
No information.
9.06 controlling
communications
5, AC5
The VDU-FPO published the Neue Front, which was considered
to be a paper of relatively minor importance. It appears that the
executive committee controlled the substantive content of this
paper.
9.07 administering
discipline
4 for 1st half, AC8
4 for 2nd half, AC3
Expulsion from the party seems to be the major disciplinary
technique, which was used on several occasions in the early part
of our period. The executive committee used this power on
dissidents and some members with communist
connections.
9.08 leadership
concentration
1, AC3
There is no claim made for centralized leadership in the VDU-FPO.
Several individuals were identified as making statements which
were interpreted as party positions.
Coherence Variables, 10.01-10.06
10.01 legislative
cohesion
.40, AC3
In contrast to the SPO and the OVP, the VDU-FPO did not display
much cohesion in the behavior of its parliamentary members.
Indeed, the movement itself was said to be lacking in unity
overall. The lack of cohesion was also said to be a major obstacle
in forming any coalition with the OVP, for the coalition might not
be supported by VDU-FPO members in parliament.
10.02 ideological
factionalism
5, AC9
The thin literature on the party is full of references to
ideological divisions within the party. Early in our period,
neo-Nazis clashed with pro- Communists. Later, the division was
more between liberal-moderates and radical Nationalists. The
pan-German elements appeared to have won over the party upon its
formation as the FPO.
10.03 issue
factionalism
1, AC4
In some ways, the VDU-FPO was an issueless party, except for its
pan- German orientation, on which there was little internal
disagreement. Otherwise, the party was united on issues through
its negative stand of opposition to the policies of the two main
parties. More specifically, it was anti-proporz and
anti-bureaucracy.
10.04 leadership
factionalism
5, AC5
Leadership changes within the VDU-FPO appeared to have resulted
from factional struggles only partly exposed to view.
10.05 strategic or tactical
factionalism
5, AC9
One of the major sources of factionalism within the party was the
question of participation in a coalition government. The moderate
faction had the coalition orientation, while the radical faction
urged opposition to coalition politics. With the 1956 congress,
the moderates were forced out of the executive committee, leaving
the radicals in charge.
10.06 party purges
0 for 1st half, AC9
1 for 2nd half, AC5
The VDU-FPO occasionally expelled members and leaders during the
first part of our period, but not on a scale grand enough to be
labeled a purge. But following the 1956 congress, enough
expulsions occurred to warrant consideration as a purge of
moderate elements.
Involvement Variables, 11.01-11.06
11.01 membership requirements
0, AC5
Although one source reports the VDU statutes as providing for
regular, Supporting, youth, and honorary membership, it appears
that these options were not utilized in any consistent fashion.
Many adherents, it was said, did not want to be recorded as
belonging to the party. The estimates of membership, made by
prominent party leaders, ranged at one point from 25,000 to
50,000, suggesting that membership may not have been tallied at
all.
11.02 membership participation
AC1
No information.
11.03 material incentives
0, AC3
Because the VDU-FPO as a party was frozen out of participation in
the proporz patronage system and had low governmental status, it
is unlikely that Promise of material benefits could have motivated
many militants.
11.04 purposive
incentives
4, AC3
Surely the mix of purposive incentives must have been varied, but
it would seem that most of the militants were motivated by visions
of some grander state of affairs than that which was obtained in
postwar Austria. Pan-German orientations were especially strong
within the party, and opposition to the OVP SPO coalition
government served as a rallying point for all.
11.05 doctrinism
1, AC4
There were occasional mentions of VDU-FPO symbols and slogans from
the Nazi past. Some of the old philosophy and writings probably
served as a touchstone for this movement of intellectuals,
businessmen, and professionals.
11.06 personalism
0, AC9
There is no evidence that any single leader captured enough
personal Support from the militants to warrant characterization
under personalism.