Path: Table of Contents > Essay on Party Politics > Party 102
Austria Socialist Party, 102
Variables and Codes for 1950-1962
For the concepts and variables below, use these links to Political Parties: A Cross-National Survey:
Governmental Status
Issue Orientation
Goal Orientation
Organizational Complexity
Organizational Power
Organizational Coherence
Membership Involvement
The "ac" code is for "adequacy-confidence"--a data quality measure ranging from 0 (low) to 9 (high)
Party name and code number
Austrian Socialist Party, 102, Sozialistische Partei Osterreichs, SPO
Information base and researchers
Information on the SPO was coded from 1746 pages of literature and 132 documents on party politics in Austria. 1136 pages, or 65 percent, deal with the SPO. 5 of the documents, 4 percent, are in French, and 21, 16 percent, are in German. Raymond Duvall indexed the literature for retrieval. Raymond Duvall coded the first two variable clusters. Kenneth Janda coded the remainder from notes left by Duvall.

Institutionalization Variables, 1.01-1.06
1.01 year of origin and 1.02 name changes
1889, ac9
1, ac7
Essentially no one disagrees with the assertion that the SPO emerged in 1945 as the result of a merger between the first republicís Revolutionary Socialists and the Social Democrats. The latter clearly predominated in the merger, so theirs is the important date of origin. Many sources cite the December 30, 1888-January 1, 1889 conference at Mainfeld as the relevant date, with no real disagreements. The 1945 merger was the occasion of a minor name change from Social Democrats to Socialists. The party retained a sub-title identifying the two component parties, but this was dropped later in 1945. Since that time no further name changes have occurred.
1.03 organizational discontinuity
9, ac6
Documentation of two events is good--1945 merger of social democrats with the relatively insignificant revolutionary socialists, resulting in the SPO, and the 1948-49 expulsion and split of Erwin Scharf and his following (left socialists) who later cooperated with the KPO. One source mentions the 1959 expulsion of Truppe, who founded the League of Democratic Socialists, which received 2,000 votes in the next election. The low ac is due to the latter "split," documented only once.
1.04 leadership competition
11, ac8
The only change in leadership (party chairman) that occurred during our time period was in 1957. At that time, Brund Pitterman succeeded Adolf Scharf, who had held the position since 1945. Scharf became federal president, following Renner and Koerner, both socialists. Pittermann remained chairman beyond 1962. The party chairman is chosen by the central directorate, consisting of 50 members chosen by the party congress.
1.05 / 2.05 legislative instability and strength
instability is .05, ac8
strength is .42 for 1st half, ac8 and .46 for 2nd half, ac9
The SPO never exceeded the representation of the OVP in the Nationalrat (parliament). Its percentage of seats lagged a few points behind, although the SPO tended to pick up strength during our time period. It held 40 percent of the seats in 1950 and 46 percent in 1962.
1.06 / 2.06 electoral instability and strength
instability is .02, ac9
strength is .42 for 1st half, ac9 and .44 for 2nd half, ac9
Elections were held in 1953, 1956, 1959, and 1962. The support given to the SPO varied from 42 to 45 percent.

Governmental Status Variables, 2.01-2.07
2.01 government discrimination
1, ac5
The SPO, together with the OVP, is clearly favored by the government in the allotment of free radio time to political parties. But an electoral practice of having parties pass out ballot paper (maintained until 1959) discriminated against the SPO in rural and alpine areas. Two bits of information were excluded from the coding due to a lack of evidence of de facto or intended discriminaion or discriminatory effect. The first was the banning of a campaign poster by Soviet occupation authorities in the 1953 election. The second was a sale of voting stock in the nationalized banks only to the two coalition parties in 1956.
2.02 governmental leadership
6 out of 6 for 1950-55, ac9
7 out of 7 for 1956-62, ac9
The great coalition system of party balance is manifest at the governmental leadership level with the existence of two federal "executive" offices--the directly elected president and the chancellor, named by the president and the Nationalrat. While the chancellor is formally head of government, the president is apparently, at least, constitutionally powerful. This relative comparability in official importance, plus the fact that the OVP held the chancellorship throughout the time period, while the SPO always held the presidency has led to the decision to include both offices as a governmental unit for the purposes of coding this variable. The SPO presidents were Renner, Koerner, and Scharf.
2.03 cabinet participation
6 out of 6 for 1950-55, ac9
7 out of 7 for 1956-62, ac9
The story of Austrian politics from 1945-67 was the coalition between the SPO and the OVP, which filled positions in all levels of government in proportion to the percentage of votes each received in the last previous election. At the cabinet level, seats were roughly equal between the two parties, with the OVP generally holding one more ministry than the SPO. Four ministries (justice, interior, social welfare, and transportation and nationalized industries, or later, transportation and electricity) were held by the SPO throughout our time period. In addition, the ministry of foreign affairs came into SPO hands after 1959.
2.04 national participation
5 for 1st half, ac9
6 for 2nd half, ac9
In terms of electoral returns, the SPO is was clearly a national party. By percentage of party support from each of the four electoral districts, the range was greatest in 1949 when 34.8 percent came from Vienna, and 19.4 percent from district 3 (upper Austria, Tyrol, Salzburg, Vorarlberg). Even that amount of variation does not seem severe. By individual province, Vorarlberg was consistently the area of least support, but the party never received less than 23 percent of the votes cast there. Vienna was always the strongest province, with a high in 1953 of 50 percent of the vote. In 1953, the SPO showed an average deviation of 5.1 percentage points in source of support compared to population distribution for the four districts. The average deviation dropped to 3.6 for the three later elections.
2.07 outside origin
8, ac7
The founding in 1888 of the social democratic party occurred at a labor congress at Mainfd. Predominant in the founding was Victor Adler, a labor leader and publisher of a labor newspaper.

Issue Orientation Variables, 5.01-5.15
5.01 ownership of means of production
5 for 1st half, ac9
3 for 2nd half, ac9
Nationalization of the basic industries was a fundamental tenet of SPO policy in the early part of our period, extending even to the election of 1956, which was contested in part over the OVP plan to denationalize 49 percent of the oil industry by allowing citizens to buy shares in it. Due to SPO insistence on nationalization after the war, about 20 percent of the industry was nationalized. But in 1958, the emphasis on nationalization was toned down, with the pronouncement that small and medium sized undertakings and property of working craftsmen would not be socialized in any circumstance. Following 1958, the SPO put more emphasis on economic planning as the key feature of socialism.
5.02 government role in economic planning
5 for 1st half, ac9
4 for 2nd half, ac7
The literature shows some disagreement over SPO commitment to economic planning, particularly during the latter part of the period. An overall economic plan was called for early in the period. The 1958 program also asserted that free development of human personality requires a planned economy and called for a planning commission to work out the plans. But some commentators believed that planning was, nevertheless, as slighted after 1958, so the code is in dispute.
5.03 redistribution of wealth
3 for 1st half, ac9
1 for 2nd half, ac9
Originally, the socialists pushed for confiscatory income and inheritance taxes and selected luxury taxes. A graduated income tax was enacted, but it was not severely progressive. The party acquiesced to four across-the-board increases in the tax rate between 1954 and 1958. Progressive taxation did not figure prominently as a campaign issue thereafter.
5.04 social welfare
4, ac9
As early as 1951, the party announced the goal of developing Austria into a welfare state. It backed a national pension plan, a national health service, rent subsidies, state housing, family assistance, and extended coverage of social security programs. But it relied upon the insurance principle for financing the security and pension plans, instead of straight governmental support.
5.05 secularization of society
3 for 1st half, ac7
2 for 2nd half, ac7
Historically, the socialists were decidedly anti-clerical. Following World War Two, the church ordered the clergy not to participate in politics, which was a reversal of the practice before 1933 in the first republic. The Socialist Party thereby refrained from asserting its opposition to religion within the state, although it did insist on a compulsory civil ceremony for marriage. While it also accepted religious instruction in state schools, the instruction was to be optional for the student. While still basically opposed to state subsidies for parochial schools, the position adopted by the OVP, the SPO dropped its policy of anti-Catholicism in the 1958 platform, stating that religion and socialism are not incompatible.
5.06 support of the military
0 for 1st half, ac5
1 for 2nd half, ac5
Before independence, the SPO feared the creation of a federal army and stated its preference for a militia-type organization instead. Upon achieving independence, the socialists recognized the need for an army to help secure the country's borders and execute the policy of armed neutrality. But when creating the force, the party wanted a shorter period of service than that favored by the OVP, and a nine month period was accepted as a compromise.
5.07 alignment with east-west blocs
0, ac9
By all accounts, the SPO adhered more literally to the constitutional requirement of Austrian neutrality. Even in the economic sphere, it sought to establish links with both the East and West in execution of the policy of neutrality.
5.08 anti-colonialism
3, ac9
Like the OVP, the SPO worked to achieve independence from the occupying powers after World War Two. In the case of the SPO, however, the melody lingered on, and the party was more protective of Austrian independence afterwards, particularly with regard to West German influence within the economy. The party also went on record in 1958 as rejecting colonialism throughout the world and welcoming movements for freedom.
5.09 supranational integration
5, ac9
Socialist platforms were consistent in their pursuit of a path of political unity for Europe, urging a United States of Europe. Entry into the EEC was seen as a means to this end, and the party did not see the pledge of neutrality as an obstacle to EEC participation, as the OVP claimed.
5.10 national integration
1, ac4
One source mentioned that the SPO was inclined to argue for expression of Slovene customs and cultures in Carinthia, although it did not argue for political autonomy for the minority. On the other hand, the same source noted that some officials in the party were known for their unfriendliness to Slovenes.
5.11 electoral participation
5, ac4
There is no discussion about the SPO position on eligibility for voting, but it is assumed that the party supports the age requirement of 21 and the compulsory nature of the act in some provinces.
5.12 protection of civil rights
It would seem that issues of civil rights would arise in light of the many ethnic minorities in Austria, but if they do, they do not surface in the context of SPO policies.
5.13 interference with civil liberties
3, ac8
The SPO platform addressed itself to civil liberties on two occasions and clearly supported freedom of the press and intellectual freedom.
5.14 / 5.15 US--Soviet experts left-right ratings
US says 3, non-communist left
Soviets say 2, for many years the SPO has conducted a politics of socialist partnership in making serious concessions to the bourgeoisie on behalf of the workers. The party program of 1958 was characterized by reformism and further withdrawal from Marxism, rejection of class struggle, and support of private enterprise.

Goal Orientation Variables, 6.01-6.55
6.00 open competition in the electoral process
4, ac9
the socialists were consistent opponents of the OVP in elections. While dedicated to the coalition government, especially in the early part of our period, the socialists sought to win as many votes as possible to earn them a favored position in the allocation of ministries and governmental influence.
6.10 restricting party competition
0, ac9
There is no evidence that the SPO approached the OVP to form electoral coalitions against the communists or the FPO, the other two parties, in an effort to cement the coalition and squeeze out the non-government opposition.
6.20 subverting the political system
0, ac9
The communists made an effort to disrupt the political system in 1950, calling a general strike in response to a wage-price agreement. Most observers claim that this was an attempt at a putsch to overthrow the government. But the socialists, who would have been needed allies in this effort, openly and vigorously opposed the strike, as did the OVP.
6.30 propagandizing ideas and program
6.31--2, ac9. The SPO operated a major publishing enterprise. The Arbeiter- Zeitung was its major paper, but the party had numerous other daily and periodical publications.
6.32--2, ac9. Education into party principles and practice has been a major objective of the SPO, which maintained party scols and a central education office. Although the party was not as successful in its educational program as expected, it certainly worked hard at the activity.
6.33--2, ac9. The literature contains many lengthy statements of party platforms and resolutions, the enactment of which appeared to occupy much of the party's energies.
6.34--2, ac9. The party's positions on issues were disseminated widely through the various printed media available to the SPO.
6.50 providing for welfare of party members
6.51 0, ac3. The absence of any discussion of the SPO providing food, clothing, or shelter for party members is assumed to indicate that these activities are not engaged in at all or are minor in importance.
6.52 0, ac3. The lack of discussion is again taken as evidence of no sizable activity performed by the party in running employment services.
6.53 2, ac9. The SPO, like the OVP, is thoroughly entrenched in the government bureaucracy, and governmental action can be obtained through political party pull. For example, coveted housing assignments must be approved by SPO officials.
6.54 0, ac3. It appears that the extensive educational activities of the SPO are primarily oriented toward political rather than general subjects, for there was no mention of education being directed toward basic nonpolitical topics.
6.55 2, ac9. The SPO was said to have more than twenty sport and cultural organizations affiliated to the party, providing its members with recreational opportunities galore.

Autonomy Variables, 7.01-7.05
7.01 sources of funds
7, a
The proportion of SPO income attributable to dues ranges from 80 to 90 percent. Moreover, the party operates a number of enterprises that produce funds. Most important are its printing plant and its publishing firms. The party also has stock in the Austrian national bank and other concerns.
7.02 source of members
5, ac8
Membership in the SPO is direct, despite the party's close connections with trade unions. Industrial workers appear to account for about 40 percent of the SPO membership, with public and private white collar employees providing another 20 to 25 percent.
7.03 sources of leaders
1 (sector 01), ac4
There is no discussion of the composition of the SPO party in parliament, and information on SPO leadership backgrounds is vague or limited mainly to top leadership positions. The gist of the information appears to be that while the leadership was once in the hands of intellectuals, trade unionists now constitute the bulk of the leadership.
7.04 relations with domestic parties
4, ac9
The SPO joined with the OVP and the communists in a coalition of anti-fascist parties in the provisional government following World War Two. The coalition lasted after the communists left in 1947, following the 1945 election which won them only four seats. Originally a marriage of necessity to free the country from foreign occupation, the coalition continued after independence in 1955 out of convenience and fear of the old divisions, in addition to the fact that neither party had an absolute majority which would permit governing alone. Four coalition pacts were negotiated during our period. The parties distributed the ministries originally and then tended to shift functions around following elections to reflect the voting results. Occasionally, a ministry was shifted, but that drastic step tended to disturb the careful distribution of responsibility and patronage between the parties. The parties felt free to criticize and attack ministries held by the other, but they supported the broad policies decided in concert by the partiesí coalition committees, which were composed of the top leaders of each party. Decisions in this committee had to be supported by each party before they were promulgated to the national parliament for ratification.
7.05 relations with foreign organizations
3, ac8
The SPO was one of the charter members of the Socialist International. There is a reference to the party working for close international liaison between all socialist parties to pursue a common international policy independent of the great powers and a declaration of adherence to the principles of the Socialist International.

Organizational Complexity Variables, 8.01-8.07
8.01 structural articulation
10, ac9
National organs in the SPO include the party congress, the party directorate, and a secretariat. There is virtually no discussion of a parliamentary party organization. The party directorate is further elaborated by a division of its fifty members into an executive committee of 25 members and a matching control committee. The function of the control committee is to review the actions of the executive and constitute a check on its abuses of power. But the control committee never reported complaints from 1945 through the end of our time period, and the distinction between the bodies is not important, for members of the control committee can and do attend meetings of the executive committee. The selection of delegates to the party congress is well described, with elected representatives from district organizations constituting less thand 2/3 of the total of about 500, and the rest composed of party officials in stated positions. The congress selects the directorate, which then selects its own officers who constitute the major national officers for the party.
8.02 intensiveness of organization
5, ac8
In the late 1940's and early 1950's the SPO experimented with a workshop level of organization in the factories, but this form of local organization was abandoned officially in 1953. Traditionally, the SPO had been a territorially based party, with the basic organization being the section, of which there are approximately 3,000 in the country. However, in Vienna, the section organization is broken into sub-sections called Sprengel, and the code is based on these units, which are taken to correspond to areas with 1,000 voters or less.
8.03 extensiveness of organization
3, ac6
Although the SPO has some 3,000 sections scattered across the country, e smaller sub-section, (Sprengel) organization appears to exist only in Vienna, which can claim just less than 25 percent of Austria's population for our time period.
8.04 frequency of local meetings
6, ac6
Our file has no information on meetings of local organizations, but our consultant states that Sprengel groups meet weekly.
8.05 frequency of national meetings
5, ac5
SPO statutes require the full 50 man directorate to meet at least four times a year. The 25 man executive committee, however, can and does meet by itself, with attendance open to the remaining 25 members on the counterpart control committee. Therefore, it is likely that meetings of the directorate or an enlarged executive committee occur more than four times a year, and it is inferred that such meetings occur at least six times annually.
8.06 maintaining records
13, ac7
It is clear from all accounts that the party engages in a considerable publishing program, responsible for numerous daily, weekly, biweekly, and monthly newspapers and periodicals. Also, it seems that, although the central secretariat has no over-all file of party members and relies upon reports from lower offices, the membership information produced by the SPO is excellent. The party conducts extensive analyses of membership composition and trends. What is not clear from the literature is the character of any party archive. Surely the party must have some facility for research, although one source indicates that the chamber of labor acts as the research bureau for the SPO and another states that the party does not have a statistical bureau. It is concluded that the party probably does maintain some archive, but that it is not an outstanding resource. Our consultant reports, however, that it carried on research in the late 1950s through polling organizations and counts several of the more well known survey data analysts in Austria among its officers.
8.07 pervasiveness of organization
18, ac9
Unlike the OVP, for which membership comes through three affiliated occupational leagues, the SPO is a party of direct membership. Nevertheless, the SPO penetration of social and economic groupings is extensive. Every member is obligated to join his trade union or occupational association SPOnsored by the party, and the state chamber of labor is dominated by Socialist Party members. Tables published in 1956 and 1960 listed more than 20 organizations affiliated to the party, including special associations for various age groups and interests, shopkeepers, pensioners, motorists, stamp collectors, war veterans, and so on. In some cases, the secretariats of these organizations are attached to the party, and the organizations receive representation on party organs.

Organizational Power Variables, 9.01-9.08
9.01 nationalization of structure
5, ac9
The SPO features a distinct and classical form of hierarchical structure. The local sections are grouped into districts (bezirk), the districts into one of nine provinces, and the provinces are topped by a national organization. Elected delegates to the national congress from the districts constitute about 2/3 of the total. Representatives of the provincial organizations (land directorates) enjoy strong reprentation on the central directorate of the party.
9.02 selecting the national leader
7, ac9
It is said that the main function of the SPO congress is to select the party leaders, and the congress does elect a central directorate of 50 members. Although the vote is by secret ballot, only one list of candidates is proposed to the delegates by the election committee, and expression of choice is limited to striking names and writing in alternatives. Once the directorate is chosen, it selects a chairman and other officers from among its own membership. The directorate chairman becomes in effect the party chairman. He is directly elected by the directorate and only indirectly elected by the congress.
9.03 selecting parliamentary candidates
5, ac6
Only one source discusses the selection of candidates within the SPO at any length. The district organizations in a constituency propose candidates, but agreement on the candidacies is required by the central directorate. There is a special parteirat to resolve disagreement between the district and national organizations. Considerable bargaining sometimes occurs, and it seems that each level holds a virtual veto over the final decision concerning candidates that are sufficiently unacceptable to either
9.04 allocating funds
2, ac8
The greatest source of SPO revenue is party dues, which is collected by local party stewards, who keep a stated amount fo r local operations and forward the rest to the central secretariat. About 40 percent of this amount is kept by the central office and the remainder redistributed among the provincial, district, and local organizations. SPO members in public or party posts are also subject to an income tax, the money from which goes to the provincial rather than the central organs.
9.05 formulating policy
6, ac7
Although it seems clear that the SPO party congress enjoys more authority and autonomy in the deliberation of governmental issues and party policy than the ovp congress, no writer claims any real continuing significance for the SPO congress in formulating party policy. The 1958 conference, which adopted a new revisionist party program shifting from more orthodox Marxism, stands as an exception to the general pattern, which finds the congress under the control of the leadership on policy matters. A committee on policy resolutions reviews the resolutions proposed from local organizations and makes recommendations concerning them which are virtually always adopted. Within the national leadership level itself, the executive committee of the directorate engages in policy making, but its role is often short-circuited by the five SPO representatives on the ten member coalition committee, where bargaining occurs between the SPO and the OVP.
9.06 controlling communications
7, ac9
the SPO press is considered to be one of the most active and influential among the socialist parties. The executive committee is in a position to control the press, because it appoints the editor in chief of the Arbeiter Zeitung, the main party paper, who also supervises the publication of many other periodicals.
9.07 administering discipline
4, ac9
The literature is consistent in describing a situation of tight discipline within the SPO. Signed, undated resignations are required of every parliamentary candidate. These pledges are simply redeemed by the party secretaries upon evidence of disloyal behavior. At the extreme, the party has taken to expulsion of members for cardinal sins, the most tantalizing being pressing for adoption of pro-Soviet or pro-communist policies.
9.08 leadership concentration
4 for 1st half, ac6
3 for 2nd half, ac6
Until the defeat of the SPO in the 1956 elections, Adolf Scharf was named as the strong leader of the executive committee. Three others are named with Scharf to have constituted the inner core of the executive--Oscar Helmer, Karl Waldbrunner, and Bruno Pitterman. At the 1956 party congress, a subcommittee of ten within the executive committee wasreated to transfer authority for policy making from the SPO cabinet and Scharf, still party chairman, to a group headed by Pitterman, who became party chairman in 1957 when Scharf was elected to the presidency. The committee of ten continued and Pitterman apparently did not recapture all of Scharf's old powers. So the leadership circle is judged to have been enlarged in the second part of our time period

Coherence Variables, 10.01-10.06
 10.01 legislative cohesion
1.0, ac7
Cohesion within the SPO appears to be greater after world war two than before, according to one source. The party's deputies support the party unanimously on almost every issue. In the isolated instances of deviation, expulsion from the party was said to be the consequence. The OVP was more in favor of allowing free votes on certain issues than was the SPO.
10.02 ideological factionalism
4 for 1st half, ac7
5 for 2nd half, ac6
in the early part of our time period, the Marxist character of the party was asserted by the socialist youth group, and there was a tension within the party between moderates and more orthodox leftists. By the 1958 congress, this tension erupted into fairly clear factional groupings fighting over the direction of the party program. The moderates won out and a revisionist program was enacted, downplaying the Marxist orientation of the SPO.
10.03 issue factionalism
2, ac9
A number of issues served to divide the party on several occasions, but they did not produce lasting factions. Examples of such ad hoc divisive issues were deficit financing versus increased socialization and productivity versus consumer needs. Another issue of longer standing dealt with the relationship between the SPO and the Catholic church, but this fell somewhat short of producing clear factions.
10.04 leadership factionalism
0 for 1st half, ac9
2 for 2nd half, ac7
Several writers comment on the stability of members on the central directorate, which has little turnover. From 1945 to 1957, Dr. Scharf's chairmanship seemed to occasion no challenge. However, he was forced out of the post following the 1956 elections. Pittermann became chairman, and one source reported that a trade unionist faction was against Pittermann and in support of Olah. But this was not given confirmation in the literature. Our consultant agrees, however, that Olah seems to havbeen the first and only union chief in Austria to use that position to challenge the party leadership.
10.05 strategic or tactical factionalism
3 for 1st half, ac9
5 for 2nd half, ac9
Until Austrian independence in 1955, coalition with the OVP was accepted by most of the party, with only a small minority in opposition from the standpoint of strategy and principle. Beginning with the 1956 elections, opposition to the coalition intensified among the left wing of the party.
10.06 party purges
0, ac9
There is no evidence of a purge of party members or leaders during our period.

Involvement Variables, 11.01-11.06
11.01 membership requirements
3, ac8
The SPO abandoned all efforts at screening applicants for membership in 1949. All of its 700,000 members are direct. Each signs a declaration to support the party, and over 90 percent of the members pay dues.
11.02 membership participation
3, ac5
Of the approximately 700,000 members of the party, approximately 50 to 60 thousand are identified as party functionaries, holding some party position. Although the literature comments that most members are not significantly active, it would seem that most may have attended an occasional meeting or performed some activity on behalf of the party. Our consultant advises a code of 3.
11.03 material incentives
2, ac5
Due to the principle of proporz, which entrusts filling government positions under a ministry to the party holding that portfolio, party connections are important to landing government employment, so it can be expected that some activists are motivated by material considerations. However, most of the 50 to 60 thousand party positions are unpaid, so material rewards must be limited.
11.04 purposive incentives
2 for 1st half, ac4
1 for 2nd half, ac4
Many of the regular party workers were staunch leftist militants whose commitment to socialism in opposition to capitalism undoubtedly spurred their work in the field. But it appears that this source of motivation began to be drained as the party departed more and more from orthodox leftist principles, especially after the 1958 party congress.
11.05 doctrinism
2 for 1st half, ac7
1 for 2nd half, ac5
Clearly, socialist thought and Marxist writings were more important in the first part of our period than in the second. Some writers contend that the party completely abandoned Marxism as political doctrine following the Salzburg party congress, but the SPO quite clearly still regarded itself as a socialist party and played a prominent role in the Socialist International. Marxism was no doubt downplayed, but socialist thought was still invoked by some in formulating party policy.
11.06 personalism
0, ac9
Despite the importance of scharf in the party during the first part of our time period, there was no suggestion that he may have been a source of motivation and inspiration to party militants through the force of his own personality.