Information on the OVP was coded from 1746
pages of literature and 132 documents on party politics in
Austria. 827 pages, or 47 percent, deal with the OVP. Five
documents, or 4 percent, are in French and 21, 16 percent, are in
German. Raymond Duvall indexed the literature for retrieval.
Raymond Duvall coded the first two variable clusters. Kenneth
Janda coded the remainder from research notes provided by
Duvall.
Institutionalization
Variables, 1.01-1.06
1.01 year of origin and 1.02 name
changes
1890, ac6
2, ac9
There is a sharp disagreement in the
literature concerning the year of origin of the OVP, with most
citing 1945 as the year in which an organization of that name
publicly emerged. Disagreement exists, however, over the
relationship of the OVP to the first republic's Christian social
party, founded in approximately 1890. The earlier date is chosen,
and the emergence of the OVP in 1945 is scored as a complete name
change.
1.03 organizational
discontinuity
6, ac7
No splits or mergers are recorded after
1954. Up to that time, however, the OVP had some trouble clearly
defining its new postwar existence. At least a couple of minor
splits occurred. In 1949, the worker and employees league seceded
from the OVP in Tyrol for a short we, running candidates and
winning seats separately. In 1951, a split of some import, though
still minor, occurred with Strachwitz disassociating the youth
front from the OVP to establish the action for political renewal
group which cooperated with the VDU . In 1953, a minor split
occurred in Slovenian areas of Carinthia. no mergers were reported
in the literature after the 1945 re-emergence of the
party.
1.04 leadership competition
14, ac9
The national party congress or convention,
a large body of over 300 delegates, has the responsibility for
electing the national leader. In the congress of 1951, Figl and
Hurdes, respectively, had been elected party chairman and general
secretary. Two months later, the OVP lost the presidential
election. Under pressure from other leaders, Figl--still
chancellor--asked the executive to name an acting party chairman
and an acting general secretary to replace him and Hurdes. Raab
and Maleta were thus installed in these positions in 1951 and were
formally elected to the offices. In 1960, Raab and Maleta were
forced to give up their party positions, although Raab remained as
chancellor, and Gorbach and Withalm were recommended to the
congress as replacements. The congress then named Edward Hauptmann
to succeed Raab as chancellor when he would retire, but in 1961,
Raab and other party leaders arranged for Gorbach to become
chancellor instead.
1.05 / 2.05 legislative instability and
strength
instability is .03, ac8
strength is .46 for 1950-55, ac8 and .49
for 1956-62, ac9
The OVP representation in the parliament
ranged between 47 and 50 percent of the seats.
1.06 / 2.06 electoral instability and
strength
instability is .03, ac9
strength is .41 for 1950-55, ac9 and .45
for 1956-62, ac9
Elections were held in 1953, 1956, and
1962. The party's high percentage of the vote was 46 percent in
1956 and its low was 41 percent in 1953.
Governmental Status Variables,
2.01-2.07
2.01 government
discrimination
3, ac5
In terms of electoral system
discrimination, the OVP is clearly the beneficiary of a practice,
maintained until the election of 1959, in which ballot paper was
distributed by the parties individually rather than by the
government. The OVP benefited because of its ability to reach
rural and alpine people more easily. The SPO and OVP together
benefited from government discrimination in allotting radio time
to parties and candidates. The two parties received much more free
radio time than other parties. While one source revealed a strange
business deal between the government and the two coalition parties
in 1956, it was decided not to include it as the basis for giving
the parties four more "points" because there was not clear enough
evidence that the deal was in fact, or intended to be, financially
discriminatory. The deal involved the sale of stock in the
nationalized banks, only ten per cent of which was voting stock,
but that 10 percent was reserved for sale to only the two
coalition parties.
2.02 governmental leadership
6 out of 6 for 1950-55, ac9
7 out of 7 for 1956-62, ac9
The great coalition system of party balance
is manifest at the governmental leadership level with the
existence of two federal "executive" offices, the president and
the chancellor. The chancellor is named by the president and
selected by the party with the greatest number of seats in the
Nationalrat. Throughout our time period, the OVP always provided
the federal chancellor, the office being held by Figl, Raab, and
Gorbach, in that order. While the chancellor is legitimately the
head of government, the office of president--the head of state -
is not inconsequential, being endowed with considerable
constitutional powers and being directly elected. The SPO held
this office throughout our period. Its official importance, plus
the feeling that total exclusion of the SPO from "governmental
leadership" was not warranted due to the coalition arrangements,
has led to the decision that both offices should be included as a
governmental unit.
2.03 cabinet participation
6 out of 6 for 1950-55, ac9
7 out of 7 for 1956-62, ac9
The main feature of Austrian politics from
1945-67 was the coalition of the OVP and SPO , in which positions
at every level of government were distributed in proportion to the
percentage of votes each received at the last election. Cabinet
posts were roughly equally divided, with the OVP generally holding
one more ministry than the SPO . The OVP held four ministries
(education, finance, trade and reconstruction, and agriculture and
forestry) through our entire time period. in addition, the
ministry of foreign affairs was in OVP hands until 1959, and the
ministry of defense after 1956.
2.04 national participation
6, ac9
The OVP was clearly a national party
throughout our time period. It always held the plurality of
Nationalrat seats, many taken from each of the four major
electoral districts. The range in percent of party support coming
from each of the four major electoral districts was greatest in
1962, when 19.3 percent came from Vienna (district 1) and 33
percent from district 3 (upper Austria, Salzburg, Tyrol,
Vorarlberg). The average deviation of party support from the
population distribution in the four districts was only 2.8
percentage points over four elections.
2.07 outside origin
10, ac5
While no explicit information was turned up
on this variable, several sources converge in suggesting the
importance of Karl Lueger in founding the Christian social party.
Lueger apparently was first elected to political office in 1897,
after the founding of the party, when he became mayor of
Vienna.
Issue Orientation Variables, 5.01-5.15
5.01 ownership of means of
production
1 for 1st half, ac9
-1 for 2nd half, ac9
The OVP agreed with the SPO on
nationalization after world war two to prevent the Soviet takeover
of German property for reparation of war costs. About 20 percent
of the total industrial production was said to be nationalized.
But the nationalization policy was not the preferred solution of
the OVP at the time. The 1956 election was fought on the issue of
denationalizing the oil industry, 49 percent of which was to
become available to private ownership through sale of people's
shares. The OVP won and later urged the creation of even more
private property.
5.02 government role in economic
planning
2 for 1st half, ac7
1 for 2nd half, ac7
The party engaged in economic planning, but
it did not seem to be committed to a high degree of planning in
principle. It enacted five separate wage and price agreements
during the first part of our time period and employed subsidies,
particularly in the agricultural area. Originally it had to
formulate a long range plan to obtain Marshall plan aid, but later
the party showed more readiness to rely on market forces and
initiative from private capital.
5.03 redistribution of wealth
2, ac5
There is not much discussion of this aspect
of the OVP policy. The 1953 platform did favor tax reductions on
wages and income to encourage savings and the accumulation of
wealth, and the progressive taxation rates were described as too
great. There is no lengthy discussion of the final consequence of
the taxation rates, but it appears that the rates were reduced
across the board rather than reduced at the high
levels.
5.04 social welfare
0, ac5
The OVP position on social welfare was
ambiguous and partially contradictory. On the one hand, the party
was said to accept the principle of the modern welfare state, and
its policy of solidarism would support this form of intervention.
Moreover, it supported rent controls for tenant protection,
extended child care assistance, and sought more funds for old age
assistance. On the other hand, it proposed cutting the state share
of the pension fund from 30 to 25 percent and argued for a stable
currency which would enable a person to provide for his old age
without outside help.
5.05 secularization of society
3, ac6
The OVP minister of education demanded
public subsidy for parochial schools. Catholicism is cited by some
as the basis for the party, which was occasionally referred to in
the early period as the Catholic people's party.
5.06 support of the military
3, ac8
Discussion does not center so much on the
financial support of the army as on the creation of an army.
Before the occupying troops were withdrawn from Austria in 1955,
the OVP backed the formation of a federal army to ensure a
principle of armed neutrality in foreign affairs. Upon achieving
independence, the OVP endorsed conscription and a one year period
of service, but this was later reduced to 9 months in a compromise
with the SPO.
5.07 alignment with east-west
blocs
1, ac9
The OVP supported the principle of
neutrality as required in the state treaty which ended the
occupation of Austria in 1955. But the party definitely leaned to
the west in foreign policy matters.
.08 anti-colonialism
3 for 1st half, ac9
0 for 2nd half, ac4
Freedom from foreign control in the form of
occupying armies of the allied powers following world war two was
the main objective of the OVP during the early part of our time
period. It appears that this issue faded away completely during
the later part, for there was no discussion of staying outside the
influence of these forces, excepting the repeat of military
conquest. But foreign influences in Austrian economics or politics
did not draw attention for party policy.
5.09 supranational integration
2, ac7
The OVP was definitely inclined toward
entry into the EEC, but pursuit of this goal was hindered by
Austria's formal commitment to neutrality because political
implications were seen in EEC. The party once attempted a
multilateral association with EEC, but this failed with the veto
of Britain's application for entry. Thus, the official policy of
the party seemed to favor international cooperation only at the
level of EFTA, with the northern countries, but the party
continually explored entering a stronger federation.
5.10 national integration
2, ac4
Carinthia, one of the nine provinces of
Austria, has approximately 50,000 Slovenes. Their rights and
customs are supposedly protected by law. Occasionally, the
Slovenes push their nationalistic interests, and one reference was
made to the OVP press being opposed to Slovenian
nationalists.
5.11 electoral participation
5, ac9
There is no discussion in the literature
about voting eligibility, but it seems that the OVP supports the
present system, which enfranchises all citizens at 21 and features
compulsory voting in some provinces.
5.12 protection of civil rights
ac1
There is no discussion of the party's
position on securing civil rights through government opposition to
social discrimination. Presumably, this would be an issue with the
Slovene minority in particular and with the many other ethnic
minorities throughout Austria.
5.13 interference with civil
liberties
1, ac6
There is private ownership of newspapers in
Austria, but they operate with some restrictions. Our consultant
holds that since much of the press is directly or indirectly
allied with one of the coalition partners, it would be unlikely
for it to run too much afoul of the government.
5.14 / 5.15 US--Soviet experts left-right
ratings
US says 2, center
Soviets say 1, it reflects the interests of
major industrialists and landowners, and it is closely connected
with the Catholic church
Goal Orientation Variables, 6.01-6.55
6.00 open competition in the
electoral process
4, ac9
The OVP vigorously contested elections
against the SPO , seeking to win as many seats as possible to
improve its position within the government. Despite the coalition
policy at the governmental level, the parties entered no electoral
alliances.
6.10 restricting party
competition
0, ac9
Throughout our time period, the avowed
policy of the OVP was governing through a coalition with the SPO .
Despite the continued reliance on coalition government, it seemed
that during the second half of our period, the OVP would have
chanced governing alone if it had received a clear majority of
seats. it also seemed conceivable that the OVP might have formed a
government with the VDU - FPO if a coalition with the SPO could
not be managed. Thus, the grand coalition was not directed at
restricting the competition of other parties. Indeed, having a
third party with the balance of seats actually improved the
viability of the governing coalition.
6.20 subverting the political
system
0, ac9
There is no evidence that the OVP ever
entertained thoughts of subversion of the political system in
order to accomplish its ends.
6.30 propagandizing ideas and
program
6.31 2, ac9.
The Osterreichische Tageszeitung, owned and
operated by the OVP, is one of the principal party newspapers.
Each bund and provincial organization also operates a
newspaper.
6.32 1, ac5.
The party does maintain some schools for
its members and provides other training, though by no means to the
extent that the SPO does.
6.33 1, ac6.
The OVP issues an election manifesto for
each campaign, but lengthy accounts of party platforms are not
prominent in the literature, as with the SPO .
6.34 2, ac9.
There is considerable evidence of OVP
activity in publishing statements of party positions and
disseminating party views through radio, movies, handbills, and so
on.
6.50 providing for welfare of party
members
6.51 1, ac6.
One source mentions the role of the women's
movement within the party in providing clothing to children,
especially at Christmas.
6.52 0, ac3.
There is no discussion of the party running
employment services, outside of patronage positions, and it is
assumed not to be an activity.
6.53 2, ac9.
The penetration of both parties into the
federal bureaucracy since 1945 has turned the ministries into
party preserves. There is considerable discussion of the need for
party "pull" to obtain governmental action.
6.54 0, ac3.
There is no discussion of the educational
role of the OVP, and it is assumed to be negligible.
6.55 2, ac7.
Much is made of the social functions of the
parties, including the OVP, but it appears that the Catholic
church itself organizes many of the activities claimed as OVP
social functions.
Autonomy Variables, 7.01-7.05
7.01 sources of funds
2 (sectors 04, 02), ac7
Writers are agreed on the conclusion that
only about 10 percent of OVP funds comes from membership
subscriptions. Although some party enterprises, e.g., newspaper
publication, account for a portion of party income, most comes
from contributions from wealthy supporters and from the affiliated
leagues. individual businessmen and the business and farmers
leagues are identified as the major sources of this
income.
7.02 source of members
3 (sector 02), ac7
Strictly speaking, individual membership in
the OVP is allowed, but one source stated that less than 2,000 of
the 600,000 members were affiliated to the party directly.
Membership is essentially indirect, with affiliation to the party
coming through affiliation with one of the three leagues--farmers,
business, and workers. The farmers are said to contribute about 50
percent of the members, business about 20 percent, and workers
about 30.
7.03 sources of leaders
2 (sectors 02, 04), ac5
2 (sectors 04, 02), ac5
There is no breakdown of OVP deputies in
parliament by their background in the literature. Discussion of
the backgrounds of the very top leaders and vague generalizations
about the party leadership imply that most of the leaders come
from agricultural and business backgrounds, with agriculture being
more important in the first part of the time period and business
more important later.
7.04 relations with domestic
parties
4, ac9
The OVP entered a governing coalition with
the SPO and the communists in 1945, as the provisional government
was established under the allied powers. The communists left this
coalition of anti-fascist parties in 1947, leaving the OVP and SPO
alone in the government. The parties formed secret coalition pacts
in 1949 and 1953, and entered into open ones in 1956 and 1959.
While contesting vigorously with each other at the general
election stage, the parties agreed to cooperate in governing the
country. This agreement was prompted initially by Austria's
conquestnd occupation by the allied powers. The coalition lived
beyond 1955, the date of Austrian independence, out of convenience
for both parties, fears of party repolarization as before the war,
and the lack of a clear parliamentary majority by either.
Governmental decisions were made by a coalition committee composed
of top leaders of each party. These decisions were then backed by
unanimous party votes in parliament.
7.05 relations with foreign
organizations
4, ac5
The OVP was said to have sent a delegate to
the liberal congress in 1951. However, the OVP was more inclined
to the international organization of Christian democratic parties,
nei, to which it seems to have been affiliated throughout our time
period.
Organizational Complexity Variables,
8.01-8.07
8.01 structural
articulation
11, ac9
Because the OVP is organized both
vertically on a territorial basis into provincial and district
organizations, and horizontally into bunds or leagues, the party
has a rather complex structure. The farmers and business leagues
are the most powerful of the three leagues, with the workers
league of distinctly lesser importance. Most of the OVP members
are indirectly affiliated to the party through membership in one
of these leagues, the chairmen of which hold positions on the
bundesparteivorstand, the party executive. Each league also is
represented on the coalition committee, joining the chancellor and
the leader of the parliamentary group to provide the five OVP
members on the ten member bipartisan committee that formulated
governmental policy for ratification by the Nationalrat during our
period. in addition to these national organs, there is a landerrat
which functioned as a consultative body for matters affecting the
provinces and a party congress, which met biennially and on
special call. Of the various national organs, the function of the
parliamentary group seemed least clear.
8.02 intensiveness of
organization
4, ac4
There is little discussion of the OVP local
organization, which one
source identifies as the section.
Supposedly, members of the three bunds are brought together in the
sections, which are then represented in district organizations.
There is no mention of the number of sections in the OVP. They are
thought to encompass from 1,000 to 50,000 voters and thus qualify
as a branch level of intensiveness.
8.03 extensiveness of
organization
6, ac3
While there is no mention of the number of
sections nor of their coverage throughout the country, it is clear
that the OVP enjoys rather uniform success. Thus their coverage is
assumed to be rather complete.
8.04 frequency of local
meetings
ac1
no information
8.05 frequency of national
meetings
7, ac5
There is no statement about the frequency
of meetings of the bundesparteivorstand, but our consultant states
that it meets twice monthly.
8.06 maintaining records
9, ac9
Several writers commented on the
inaccuracies of membership lists, for membership in the OVP occurs
through the three affiliated leagues. It seems that the OVP does
not publish detailed membership figures and does not engage in the
analysis of membership data. Although the party publishing program
does not match that of the SPO , it is still considerable. Our
consultant states that the party maintained a small archive and
commissioned some early survey research, although it also relied
on the leagues for much of its research work. So it is scored 2
for publishing party propaganda, 3 for maintaining an archive, and
4 for maintaining membership lists to produce a combined score of
9 for maintaining records.
8.07 pervasiveness of
organization
17, ac9
In addition to the farmers, business, and
workers league which function in liaison with the OVP, there is a
substantial women's movement, a youth movement, a social aid
society, a children's aid society, and numerous sport
organizations allied with the party. There is some complaint that
the non-bunde organizations have difficulty in competing with the
bunde for party attention, but it is clear that the OVP influence
extends far and wide into the social organization of Austria,
although its control seems to be less than the SPOs.
Organizational Power Variables, 9.01-9.08
9.01 nationalization of
structure
3, ac7
The code assigned to the OVP does not match
exactly the stated operational definition, but it is felt to
reflect the lack of centralization in the party structure. The OVP
does indeed have a hierarchical structure of
section--district--provincial--national organs, but there is said
to be a high degree of provincial autonomy and the national organs
are specifically referred to as federal (bunde) organs. Moreover,
the three constituent leagues divide the party horizontally and
socially as well as vertically and territorially. For the purposes
of our coding, the business, farmers, and workers leagues are
treated as counterparts of regional organizations that tend to
dominate, rather than be dominated by, the national party
organs.
9.02 selecting the national
leader
6, ac7
Although the party congress is entrusted
with responsibility for selecting the party leader, the two actual
changes of leadership during our period suggest that its role is
one of ratifying choices of the executive committee, instead. The
power of the congress to name the party leadership is severely
limited by the voting procedure. Although the ballot is secret,
only one choice for each post is provided by a nominating
committee, and delegates are required to cross out names and write
in alternatives.
9.03 selecting parliamentary
candidates
4, ac5
Nationalrat elections in Austria feature
proportional representation and selection of candidates from party
lists according to the party votes won in each constituency. Since
1949, the voter has been allowed to indicate preferences for the
party's candidates, but the party's ranking is crucial to
election. This is especially true since 1958, when the state
printed official ballot papers for the first time. There is little
discussion of the list preparation within the ovp, but it appears
that the selection process is decentralized at the constituency
level, with leaders representing the farmers, business, and
workers bunde negotiating the list to insure satisfactory
candidacies in terms of both number and position.
9.04 allocating funds
3, ac5
Again, in the coding of this variable the
leagues are treated as the counterpart of regional party
organizations. The national party organization is clearly
dependent on the leagues for finances. Subscription money is
collected by the leagues, which seem to retain half and give half
to the local and provincial organizations, which in turn transm it
portions to the national level.
9.05 formulating policy
6, ac9
No one seriously contends that the party
congress plays much of a role
in policy making within the OVP. Although
lower organs can submit resolutions for action by the congress,
these are sorted out beforehand by the central party secretariat,
and in any event, the resolutions proposed by the congress to the
executive committee are said to be ignored in the minutes of the
congress. Also, no one contends that the parliamentary party group
is influential in policy making. It appears that policy is
formulated by the executive committee with special attention to
the interests of the three constituent leagues. This policy is
then articulated, and perhaps reformulated, within the OVP half of
the ten man coalition committee in bargaining with the five SPO
representatives.
9.06 controlling communications
4, ac6
Control of the party press is certainly
mixed within the OVP. Each league has its own newspaper as does
each provincial party organization. The OVP does operate its own
monthly periodical, but it is said not to have a publication
specifically for party functionaries. On the other hand, it is
supposed to run something like a press service for the various
party publications.
9.07 administering discipline
3, ac8
Discipline is said to be weak within the
party overall, but strong discipline is seen among OVP
parliamentarians who are said to sign an undated resignation from
the party before they are slated for the election. It is not
clear, however, whether the constituency organization or the
central organization can redeem these pledges.
9.08 leadership concentration
4 for 1st half, ac7
3 for 2nd half, ac9
Several authors report that Raab ruled the
OVP in an autocratic fashion during the first part of our time
period. Yet it is clear that Raab, as a representative of the
business league, had to contend with the powerful farmers league
and the less threatening workers league. Party leadership, then,
seems to have been concentrated in a set of people that included
Raab and the chairmen of the farmers and workers leagues, perhaps
including Maleta as general secretary as well. During the second
part of our period, the circle of leadership certainly spread as
Raab's influence waned. In 1959, for example, Raab's proposal to
give the ministry of finance to the socialists as part of a new
coalition pact was rejected by the executive committee, despite
Raab's threat of resignation.
Coherence Variables, 10.01-10.06
10.01 legislative
cohesion
1.0, ac7
Although there is no comprehensive study of
parliamentary voting in our Austrian information file, statements
are consistent in emphasizing the nearly perfect cohesion obtained
by the OVP. As of 1961, there were only a few cases recorded where
OVP members opposed the leadership in voting, and these were said
to have resulted in expulsion from the party. There was some
interest in allowing free votes on selected issues, but the
practice never materialized.
10.02 ideological factionalism
4, ac7
An ideological dimension of factionalism in
the OVP often identified in the literature is clericalism versus
liberalism, with the emphasis put on the role of catholic ideology
in the party. The workers and employees league, which constitutes
only about 30 percent of OVP membership, is considered to be the
bastion of clericalism within the party, pushing for ideological
purity, which in this instance means Christian social doctrine of
a "leftist" nature. The liberal or reformist wing is supported by
interests organized in the business league, which reverses the
typical pattern found in western democracies.
10.03 issue factionalism
6, ac9
Economic issues serve to divide the party
on a continuing basis along its three constituent
leagues--business, farmers, and workers. The main conflicts are
between the business and farmers, for the workers are less
influential within the OVP. Threats by the agrarians to leave and
join the socialists are more real than those by the workers to
leave and join the socialists, for the SPO 's traditional
anti-clericalism could not be accepted by the strongly catholic
workers league. So economic issues, like the debate over
desirability of agricultural cooperatives, have seen the most
serious clashes between the peasants and the
industrialists.
10.04 leadership factionalism
2, ac7
There are occasional references in the
literature to an anti-Raab faction within the OVP, but his
supporters and opponents did not crystallize into identifiable
groupings that warrant description as factions in our usage of the
term.
10.05 strategic or tactical
factionalism
2 for 2st half, ac9
5 for 2nd half, ac7
Until Austria achieved formal independence
in 1955, coalition government between the OVP and SPO was
generally accepted as the proper strategy for the OVP to follow.
The only disagreement within the party was whether the VDU ought
to be involved in the coalition, but this issue did not give rise
to factional divisions. Beginning in 1956, however, more pressure
developed to end the coalition and the policy of cooperation with
the SPO . This reformers faction looked to the FPO, the successor
to the VDU, as a likely coalition partner if the OVP could not win
a parliamentary majority outright.
10.06 party purges
0, ac9
There seems to be no possibility that any
purge occurred within the OVP during our period.
Involvement Variables, 11.01-11.06
11.01 membership requirements
2, ac4
Information on the actual process of
joining the OVP is sketchy. By far most of the members join the
party through membership in one of the three constituent leagues.
Party dues are collected through the leagues, so it appears that
payment of dues rather than formal registration constitutes party
membership.
11.02 membership participation
1, ac5
There is no discussion of the level of
activity practiced by party members, but many of the claimed
600,000 members must surely be nominal only, with membership in
the party coming through the farmers, business, or workers leagues
which they join directly. Our consultant notes that membership
participation varies by league. The OAAB is generally considered
to be most active.
11.03 material incentives
2, ac3
While there is no specific discussion of
the motivational bases for OVP militants, there is continual
reference to the importance of party membership in achieving a
state position, for the OVP-SPO coalition followed a system of
patronage, called proporz, which divided public employment between
the parties in accordance with the ministries which each
controlled and the votes each party obtained. Certainly the OVP
could count on the active support of party members who were
holding or seeking such positions.
11.04 purposive incentives
1, ac3
Some proportion of the OVP must be
motivated by considerations that stem from clericalism or
anti-socialism or both, but this proportion is judged to be less
than those motivated form material incentives. It is likely that
the workers league is a major source of those urged on by
ideological purity in the form of Christian social
doctrine.
11.05 doctrinism
1, ac6
One source emphasizes the catholic
philosophy of the OVP, which follows a doctrine of solidarismus,
stressing a form of social harmony based on the existing order of
things. Existing economic structures provide the individual with
his main contact with society, and one's profession or trade is a
basic social unit next only to the family. An official party
explanation of solidarismus refers to papal
encyclicals.
11.06 personalism
0, ac5
Although Raab was elected honorary
president of the OVP for life and he had great influence within
the party especially during the first part of our period, there
was no claim that he possessed charismatic power over any sizable
proportion of the party militants.