The "ac" code is for "adequacy-confidence"--a
data
quality measure ranging from 0 (low) to 9
(high)
Institutionalization
Variables, 1.01-1.06
1.01 Year of Origin and 1.02 Name
Changes
1932, ac9
8, ac9
The CCF was officially launched
in August of 1932, and its founding convention followed promptly
in 1933 in Regina. The CCF had one major name change since its
origin in 1932. In 1960 plans were well under way at the Canadian
Labour Conference Convention to form a "New Party" deriving from
the CCF but involving greater organizational suport from trade
unions than had been the case with the earlier party. The founding
convention finally met in 1961 and adopted the name, "New
Democratic" Party, thus rejecting any label that hinted at
socialism or social democracy.
1.03 Organizational
Discontinuity
0, ac9
There was no merger with any
political party when the CCF changed to the NDP, only a
reorganization with closer ties to the CLC, Canadian Labour
Congress (Engelmann and Schwartz, 1975--162). This was a move to
create an alternative force based on the needs of workers,
farmers, and similar groups. The NDP emerged a little to the right
of the CCF"s Winnepeg Declaration of 1956 . Most of the same
people were present in the "New Party" so actually only the ideas
were truly new.
1.04 Leadership
Competition
16, ac9
In 1942 M.J. Coldwell was elected
president of the party without contest in the convention. In 1958
the man selected by a margin of one vote, with three candidates
seeking the office, was Hazen Argue. T.C. Douglas was chosen as
leader of the NDP in 1961 by a vote of 1391 to 380 over argue on
the first ballot. In 1971 at the NDP convention, David Lewis was
elected leader of the party on the fourth ballot, defeating four
challengers.
1.05 Legislative
Instability
Instability is .38,
ac9
The legislative representation of
the CCF/NDP ranged from 9 to 3 percent of the seats in the lower
chamber, with the high point occurring during the middle of the
period.
1.06 Electoral
Instability
Instability is .12, ac9
The CCF/NDP reached a maximum of 14 percent of the vote in
elections during our period in 1962. In the 1953, 1957, and 1958
elections, the party ranged between 9 and 11 percent of the
vote.
Governmental Status Variables,
2.01-2.07
2.01 Government
Discrimination
0, ac9
There was no discrimination for
or against the CCF/NDP except for the normal problems that beset a
third force in a two-party oriented system. These problems were
lack of manpower, funds, and appealing programs. These were not
imposed by the government.
2.02 Governmental
Leadership
0 out of 7 for 1950-56,
ac9
0 out of 6 for 1957-62,
ac9
The CCF-NDP never held a majority
in the house of commons and therefore never laid claim to
government leadership.
2.03 Cabinet
Participation
0 out of 7 for 1950-56,
ac9
0 out of 6 for 1957-62,
ac9
Although the
progressive-conservatives held less than a majority of the seats
after the 1957 election, there was no attempt to form a coalition
cabinet with the CCF. A coalition was only tried once in Canada"s
history, in 1917.
2.04 National
Participation
4 for 1950-56, ac9
5 for 1957-62, ac9
The results from the election of
1953 indicate that the CCF was primarily a regional party,
deviating an average of 13
percentage points from the distribution of the votes over the five
political regions. The CCF"s poorest showing was in Quebec and the
maritimes, but the party fared extremely well in the prairies and
British Columbia. In 1962 possibly because of the Winnipeg
Declaration of 1956, and its accompanying watering down of its
socialist principles, the CCF/NDP found itself more evenly
represented nationally. Although still quite weak in the Maritimes
and Quebec, the CCF voter support was more indicative of its
emergence as a national party. In 1962 the CCF/NDP deviated 9.4
percent from the regional distribution of votes.
2.05 Legislative Strength
Strength is .07 for 1950-56, ac9
and .05 for 1957-62, ac9
The legislative representation of
the CCF/NDP ranged from 9 to 3 percent of the seats in the lower
chamber, with the high point occurring during the middle of the
period.
2.06 Electoral Strength
Strength is .11 for 1950-56, ac9
and .11 for 1957-62, ac9
The CCF/NDP reached a maximum of
14 percent of the vote in elections during our period in 1962. In
the 1953, 1957, and 1958 elections, the party ranged between 9 and
11 percent of the vote.
2.07 Outside Origin
8, ac9
The CCF was formed in 1932 by a section of the Old United Farm
Organization, along with oth existing Labour and Socialist
Parties. In 1961 the CCF became allied to organized labour to form
the NDP.
Issue Orientation Variables, 5.01-5.15
5.01 Ownership of Means of
Production
5 for 1950-56, ac9
2 for 1957-62, ac7
In the CCF programs of 1949 and
1953 all forms of socialization--provincial, municipal, and
federal--were advocated. The party defined socialization as the
state assuming the ownership of those industries, or those
segments of the economic structure whose direction under private
ownership is believed to be deleterious to society as a whole. In
1953 Coldwell, the party leader, promised to nationalize the steel
and iron industries. He also advocated an overall transportation
policy based on national interests. This platform also, however,
left a small segment in private hands. In 1956, the CCF revamped
their program at their Winnepeg Convention, and hoped by doing so
to attract a wider base of support. In the election of 1957 the
CCF did not propose to nationalize or socialize any specific
industry. It put more stress on "appropriate private ownership
opportunities," but maintained the platform was merely a
clarification rather than a departure from principle.
5.02 Government Role in Economic
Planning
4, ac9
The CCF stressed the necessary
role of economic planning. They advocated among other things the
socialization of private banks, and setting up democratic
machinery for controlling investment. They proposed to set up a
National Planning Commission and a national investment board. They
stressed the curbing of monopolies and combines, and specifically
a government sponsored development program in the maritimes. In
1957 they specifically called for an economic planning commission,
and a national fuel and energy policy.
5.03 Redistribution of
Wealth
4, ac9
The CCF stressed a need for a
major redistribution of wealth. They strongly advocated that taxes
should be levied according to ability to pay. They were determined
to put an end to the exploitation of the poor by the rich. Their
plan was not to nationalize land, but to break up monopolies and
spread the benefits of automation among all the
people.
5.04 Social Welfare
5, ac9
The CCF promoted the issue of
social welfare in all of their platforms from 1949-1958. They
planned to provide a comprehensive well integrated social security
program, supported by the state. Throughout the 1950s the CCF
concentrated so heavily on the issues of old age pensions and
above all of a national health plan, that these issues seemed to
constitute the party"s central reason for existence.
5.05 Secularization of
Society
0, ac7
The CCF throughout history has
had problems getting votes in specific of Canada because of their
image as a Socialist Party in the European sense and therefore
godless, revolutionary and a threat to private property. The Roman
Catholic Church in particular was active in opposing the CCF more
than the CCF was in opposing the Church. In specific instances
candidates attempted to shed this image. In British Columbia a
candidate published a pamphlet called "we are not ashamed of
gospel, resting the CCF squarely on Christian Foundations,"
(Meisel 1962, p.246). The CCF platforms stress the equality of all
men no matter what religion.
5.06 Support of the
Military
1, ac9
The CCF strongly supported a
solid defence program but wished for the money to come from those
best able to pay, and not at the expense of furthering poverty and
exploitation. In 1957 the platform said there was too much
reliance on outdated methods of defence. The party argued against
wasteful spending on obsolete methods, but not specifically on the
defense program.
5.07 Alignment with East-West
Blocs
5, ac9
The party emphatically stressed
their refusal to collaborate with the Communists, for they were
constantly having problems being associated with the communist
party. The CCF supported NATO as a collective security measure,
but wanted to eventually make regional pacts
unnecessary.
5.08 Anti-Colonialism
1, ac9
The 1962 platform of the NDP
called for taxation and investment policies that would enable the
government to direct an increasing proportion of the investment
reserves of corporations in accordance with Canadian economic
objectives. They stressed that foreign owned or controlled
companies be compelled to conform to the laws affecting Canadian
companies and subject to the policies of the Canadian Government
and not to the policies of their foreign counterparts. These
guidelines were directed toward all foreign countries, with
special emphasis on the united states, but the party harbored
ambivalent attitudes toward the US (Engelmann and Schwartz,
1975--85).
5.09 Supranational
Integration
3, ac9
The CCF continually gave their
wholehearted support to the United Nations, and also sought closer
economic union within the British Commonwealth. They took pride in
these organizations and wished Canada to help build peace programs
through them as a middle power.
5.10 National
Integration
1, ac6
The CCF believed in Canada"s
federal system, in a properly applied spirit of national unity.
Its platform of 1957 saw the sharing of decision making authority
as a safeguard of the country"s national well-being, and at the
same time a way to protect the traditions and constitutional
rights of the provinces. Until the very end of our period,
however, the CCF tended to be more centralist than the other
parties.
5.11 Electoral
Participation
5 for 1950-56, ac3
5 for 1957-62, ac9
From 1950 until the election of
1957 no word was mentioned in the platforms of the CCF on the
extension of the franchise. The rhetoric concerning equality to
all Canadians was ever present, but no specific call for the
extension of the franchise to all Canadians eighteen years and
older was made until 1957.
5.12 Protection of Civil
Rights
5, ac9
The CCF platforms called for
every person, regardless of occupation, sex, color, and creed to
have full opportunity to share in the nation"s progress. They
strongly supported a dynamic educational system to develop the
capacities of every individual. The CCF in 1957 called for an
advisory committee for planned immigration in a practical and
humane manner. Education would be available to immigrants, who
would be encouraged to become Canadian citizens. On the French
Separatist question, the NDP supported equal protection of both
cultures and both languages, but this was after our time
period.
5.13 Interference with Civil
Liberties
3, ac9
The Canadian Government has a
unique relationship with its system of mass communication. Up to
1961 the cbc controlled all network facilities, and privately
owned stations played to local audiences. This government
ownership, however, did not negatively affect the freedom of
speech of the population. The CCF specifically called for a bill
of rights to protect the freedom of expression through press and
radio. Throughout its history the CCF was in the forefront of the
defence of civil liberties.
5.14 / 5.15 US--Soviet Experts
Left-Right Ratings
US says 3, non communist left
Soviets say 2, dependent on the petty bourgeoisie, the
intelligentsia, small and middle class farmers, and to a greater
extent on workers organized in industrial unions.
Goal Orientation Variables, 6.01-6.55
6.00 Open Competition in
the Electoral Process
4, ac9
Although not one of Canada"s two
major parties, the CCF found the practice of relying on a system
of open competiion the sole means for accomplishing their
goals.
6.01-6.05--2, ac9. The CCF
practices the activities of a party of open competition. These
tactics are especially important because of their "underdog
position" in the system.
6.10 Restricting Party
Competition
0, ac9
The CCF, although a smaller
national force, does not pursue a strategy of restricting party
competition.
6.11--0, ac9. Cases against the
CCF for deliberately falsifying voters" lists do exist, but such
falsification is practiced only in isolated incidents, and is in
no way a party policy.
6.20 Subverting the Political
System
0, ac9
Subversion of the political
system is in no way CCF policy.
6.21-6.
26--0, ac9. Subversive tactics
serve no purpose in the CCF election plans.
6.30 Propagandizing Ideas and
Program
6.31--0, ac5. The CCF apparently
published no general circulation newspaper. During the 1957
election, the CCF was considered a bonafide national party, and
therefore received 20 percent of free programme time from the
C.B.C.
6.32--0, ac9. The youth of Canada
plays an important part in CCF policy, but no political school
exists.
6.33--1, ac9. Platforms by the
CCF are usually drawn up at the time of leadership selection and
usually are comparable to the Winnipeg Declaration or the Regina
Manifesto, the party"s charters.
6.34--2, ac9. The CCF is noted
for its high degree of work in parliament, and this is correlated
strongly with the party"s publishing of position papers. Being a
smaller party, the CCF feels that greater exposure of views will
help its cause .
6.50 Providing for Welfare of
Party Members
6.51-6.55--ac1. There was no
information concerning the CCF"s providing for social
welfare.
Autonomy Variables, 7.01-7.05
7.01 Sources of
Funds
7 for 1950-56, ac7
3 (sector 01) for 1957-62,
ac7
In 1946 a national membership fee
of $1 per member was instituted. This never yielded more
than 30,000 from 1950-1960,
(Paltiel, 1970--53). In 1949 the CCF attempted a " national three
year expansion programme," with extensive membership drives,
membership renewals, and financial appeals on a systematic basis.
The plan was basically unsuccessful. Nonetheless, the CCF sought
to develop a party financed by grassroots, by small contributors
from a broad base of citizens, who would give freely as
individuals. This method of political finance continually starved
them of essential funds. One of the first steps away from this
process was the establishment of the "Ontario 500 Club," in which
affluent members gave some money, beyond their regular membership
dues. This resulted in 10-15 percent of the party"s income.
Gradually, the trade unions started to funnel more money into the
system. In 1961 the party changed its form and name , and the
Labour Movement emerged as the prime source of NDP funds, thus
ending the chronic money shortage of the party. This advent of
large sums of money en bloc, undermined the original CCF ideology,
but may have saved the party"s life .
7.02 Source of
Members
5, ac8
Relatively few CCF/NDP members
belong to service clubs and similar organizations, with the
exception of co-operatives and unions, where the membership is
high, yet not a prerequisite for party membership.
7.03 Sources of
Leaders
5, ac6
The CCF/NDP extends its
leadership to almost all social sectors. In
1965 over 50 percent of NDP
candidates were middle class while less than 20 percent were
working class. Kornberg found in his study that 5 percent of the
NDP candidates were lawyers (Kornberg, p.44). Leaders are
recruited from trade unions, the party bureaucracy, and other
sectors, but not one exclusively.
7.04 Relations with Domestic
Parties
7, ac6
During the time period the
CCF/NDP engaged in no electoral or parliamentary coalition, thus
was considered totally autonomous. Indeed, the only government
coalition in Canada was in 1917.
7.05 Relations with Foreign
Organizations
4, ac6
The CCF/NDP is a member of the socialist international but because
of Anti-Socialist sentiments in Canada, restricts its
participation to merely attending meetings. The association of the
CCF/NDP with the "European Socialist Model" has at times hurt
their performance in national elections, therefore, ties are weak
with the international organization, (Meisel, 1962,
p.246).
Organizational Complexity Variables,
8.01-8.07
8.01 Structural
Articulation
11, ac9
Because the CCF was not
reorganized into the NDP until 1961, the organization of the CCF
determines our coding on this variable. There are four discernible
parts of the CCF national party organization--the convention,
officers, council, and executive. The party meets in convention at
least every two years. The selection of representatives is
delegated to the local and provincial organization, with the
national council stipulating the number from each affiliated
organization. Members of the party caucus in the federal
parliament, and members of the national council are also delegates
to the convention. The officers of the party are elected at the
convention. The council is elected in the following manner--twenty
members elected by the convention, two members elected by federal
members of parliament, two from each provincial party, elected by
provincial convention, one member representing each of the twelve
affiliated organs, certified by the secretary of the party. The
council meets at least twice a year. The executive consists of the
officers and twelve other members to be elected from and by the
council. Because of the integrated nature of the organs, the
functional responsibilities are relatively clear. The convention
is the supreme governing body of the party, and has final
authority in all matters of federal policy, program and
constitution. The council is the governing body of the party
between conventions. The executiveas the authority to conduct and
administer the affairs and business of the party between council
meetings, and issues statements in the name of the
party.
8.02 Intensiveness of
Organization
6, ac8
In the CCF/NDP, membership was
especially important in the first half of the time period. The
basic units in the CCF/NDP are called variously local committees,
clubs, study groups, and discussion groups. These clubs were
designed for learning the CCF ideology. Member participation was
more active than the other parties.
8.03 Extensiveness of
Organization
3, ac9
The support of the CCF/NDP is
more regional than class based, therefore it has less extensive
coverage than the two older parties. The western provinces give
the greatest support to the CCF/NDP. However, the CCF/ NDP remains
largely without support in Quebec, the maritimes, and large
sections of ontario.
8.04 Frequency of Local
Meetings
5, ac6
The local clubs were organized
not only, nor even mainly, for work at elections. The local groups
of the CCF attempted to meet at least monthly.
8.05 Frequency of National
Meetings
3, ac9
The council met twice a year,
according to the CCF Constitution. The executive met not more than
once a month.
8.06 Maintaining
Records
16, ac9
The party was noted for its
publishing, both at election time, and in off years. The CCF had
standing committees on literature and research and membership.
These committees were thorough and attempted to keep not only an
outstanding research division, but membership lists that would
enable them to keep in close contact with all members. In a mass
participation party like the CCF, keeping members interested was
essential. Therefore, knowing who was identified with the party
was a paramount consideration.
8.07 Pervasiveness of
Organization
12, ac9
Many labour and agrarian ancillary organizations were involved
with the CCF during our time period. These affiliated
organizations were very active in the party organization. This
activity is evident not only in labour financial contributions,
but also in the prevalence of agricultural policies in the party"s
1957 campaign. Major support from the powerful trade union
movement on the west coast is also indicative of labour"s
association with the CCF/NDP. These trade unions when affiliated
with the party are given a collective membership.
Organizational Power Variables, 9.01-9.08
9.01 Nationalization of
Structure
5, ac9
CCF/NDP members, at the lowest
levels, are apt to be more outspoken and critical of the national
party than the two older parties. However, the national organs
have greater control than it may appear. At the 1940 convention,
the party constitution was amended so that the national council
had more authority than the provincial parties. At the same
convention it was decided that any conflicts between national and
provincial bodies would be resolved in favour of the national
body. In the Inter-Provincial Conferences which were held every
two years from 1943-1952, the coordination of policy under central
direction and subordination of provincial officials to the direct
influence of national officials, were the main accomplishments.
The CCF was constantly concerned with organization. Although
provincial governments were established in the western provinces,
the national party had to establish its network throughout the
country, therefore, these governments found themselves
subordinate.
9.02 Selecting the National
Leader
4 for 1st half, ac9
3 for 2nd half, ac9
The selection of the national
leader is done at biennial national conventions. The leaders are
chosen afresh at each convention, however, it usually is merely a
vote of confidence for the incumbent leader. J.S. Woodsworth and
M.J. Coldwell of the CCF were chosen by the parliamentary group
and ratified by successive biennial conferences. T. C. Douglas was
chosen as NDP leader by the founding convention of the party over
Hazen Argue, the choice of the small group of party MPS (Smiley,
1968--378 ).
9.03 Selecting Parliamentary
Candidates
6, ac9
Candidates are nominated in
accordance with the procedures laid down in the constitutions of
the appropriate provincial party. The council of the federal party
shall have authority to intervene with respect to a federal
nomination if the interests of the federal party are involved. No
cases of federal intervention were cited in the 1957
election.
9.04 Allocating Funds
2, ac9
In the campaign of 1957,
contributions from provincial parties were the basis for the
expenditures incurred by the national CCF organization. The
provincial parties raised their funds in various ways, primarily
through individual and trade union contributions. Provincial
organizations not only contributed to the national fund, but also
spent money on their own provincial campaign (Meisel, p.
216).
9.05 Formulating
Policy
2, ac9
In the 1948 convention
resolutions came from three sources primarily-- the clubs and
constituencies, provincial executives and councils, and the
national executive and council. The latter organizations had the
greatest success in having resolutions passed (Young, p. 155).
Resolutions submitted by constituencies in the cff conventions
amounted to more than half in a number of cases. In 1948--54 out
of 105, 1952--69 out of 107, and 1956--43 out of 65. Eventually a
resolutions committee was appointed by the national executive. "
even in the resolution committee, which was carefully chosen as a
rule to reflect regional and doctrinal variation in the party,
there was a good deal more membership participation and control in
the CCF than in the other political parties in Canada, although
not quite as much as party propaganda made out." (Dawson p. 577).
It still was the case that the crucial policy decisions were those
taken by the national executive or council or based on resolutions
from those two bodies.
9.06 Controlling
Communications
6, ac9
In 1943, in an effort to further
centralize the power into the National CCF Organization, the
provincial governments were instructed to send all literature
published to the national offices immediately after publication.
In the 1950 convention, the national executive was given the power
to chastize and correct provincial party newspapers for editorials
considered to be inconsistent with party policy (Young p. 150). In
addition to censorship, the unity of the party was in part
provided by the national membership bulletin " across Canada," and
the research journal "news comment." the national office was
without question the center for research and
publishing.
9.07 Administering
Discipline
4, ac7
In 1950, an amendment was added
to the CCF constitution which gave the national council the power
to take disciplinary action "where the interests of the national
movement are involved." provincial parties are responsible for
discipline of individual and affiliated members of the party, in
accordance with the provisions of the appropriate provincial
constitution.
9.08 Leadership
Concentration
3, ac6
Although M.J. Coldwell was the
party's choice for prime minister from 1950 until 1958, hazen
argue held the position of national leader from 1958 until 1961,
and t.c. Douglas became the NDP"s choice in 1961, it still can be
argued that david lewis headed the party from 1950 until 1961 and
was directly responsible for the shape it took. Lewis was the
administrative and ideological leader of the party, and Young
contends that in many ways lewis was the party leader (p. 166),
even though only holding the post of national secretary. In any
event, no single person dominated the council sufficiently to
control it to his wishes.
Coherence Variables, 10.01-10.06
10.01 Legislative
Cohesion
1.0, ac3
Judging from the available data,
it was evident that the CCF members always voted together in the
Canadian house of commons. Parliament provided an opportunity for
the CCF/NDP to display its unique political offerings, and only by
voting together could the party stress its opinions.
10.02 Ideological
Factionalism
4 for 1950-56, ac9
5 for 1957-62, ac9
The history of the CCF/NDP is
marked with internal dissension. In 1950 a division of left wing
"purists" formed the Ginger Group in Ontario, asking all CCF
members in the province not to stray from the strict socialist
principles on which it was founded. However, this group failed to
attract any substantial membership. Ideological debates were
common since the party"s inception, and this battle culminated in
1956 with the division between party men and movement men. The
movement men saw the Winnipeg Declaration as a significant shift
to the right when compared to the party"s original Regina
manifesto. The party men considered this new declaration a
rethinking of policy, a modernization and clarification of the
regina document, not a departure from it. The left wing felt that
by changing the document, that they would become too similar
ideologically to the two older parties. This change alienated many
CCF members, and to many it was a "watering down of
socialism"--therefore, a death to their cause.
10.03 Issue
Factionalism
2, ac6
The de-emphasis of public
ownership which was one of the controversial factors of the
Winnipeg Declaration of principles, caused a notable dispute in
the ranks of the CCF. However, this argument was basically
ideological in nature, therefore, it was scored lower in degree of
intensiveness.
10.04 Leadership
Factionalism
1, ac6
Although ideological factionalism
existed throughout the CCF"s lifetime, leadership control was
basically always secure in the hands of the party leader. "the
continuity of leadership was essential to enable the CCF/ NDP to
establish itself as a unified political movement," (Young, p.
156).
10.05 Strategic or Tactical
Factionalism
1, ac7
There were minor disagreements in
strategy but factional tendencies were not evident. There were
discussions on whether the party should only run candidates in
ridings where they have had relative success, and not those where
failure was inevitable. However, to keep the movement national in
scope, the party opted for the national strategy.
10.06 Party Purges
0, ac9
No mass exclusion of members was evident in the time period. Minor
expulsions, however, did occur infrequently, but they were nowhere
near being labeled a purge. (in April 1955 the ontario provincial
party expelled 14 members, accusing them of being
Troskyites.)
Involvement Variables, 11.01-11.06
11.01 Membership
Requirements
3, ac9
The CCF/NDP has special
membership requirements, which include paying dues rising to
almost five and one-half dollars by 1960, (Zakuta,p.
107).
11.02 Membership
Participation
5 for 1950-56, ac9
3 for 1951-62, ac9
The CCF/NDP was noted for the
active participation of its members. "the party devoted a great
deal of time and money to finding things for the membership to do
and on membership activity," ( Young, p.151). Before the Winnipeg
Declaration, the movement aspect provided many members who would
work unstintingly for the party. However, when the party
continually suffered losses, and the winnipeg document compromised
many members" socialist principles, activity dwindled. For many,
the commitment to the party lessened as the "raison d"etre" was
lost. The growth of union support also reduced the need for
individual support. The loosening of the CCF "s control over
individual members was not total. In the ridings where the CCF
appeared to have a prospect of victory, support swelled. When this
prospect evaporated, however, the supporters departed.
11.03 Material
Incentives
0, ac3
Few party militants seem
motivated by material incentives. Some members did devote time in
constituency activities in hopes of earning an office, but these
were few in number.
11.04 Purposive
Incentives
4 for 1st half, ac5
3 for 2nd half, ac3
Although the number of party
militants noticeably decreased during our time period, the
incentive was basically purposive in nature. The militants were
committed to establishing the party"s socialist ideology
nationwide.
11.05 Doctrinism
2, ac9
The regina manifesto, and later
the Winnipeg Declaration, embody the CCF"s doctrines. The party
altered the strength of the regina manifesto in
1956, but the new document was as
important as its predecessor to most party members.
11.06 Personalism
0, ac3
Young contends that "dominance by the party leaders was inevitable
because the CCF retained some of the characteristics of a movement
and required personalities for focus," (p. 168). The party
militants, however, were more concerned with purposive incentives
and saw the party leader as basically only an important part in
their overall plan.