The "ac" code is for "adequacy-confidence"--a
data
quality measure ranging from 0 (low) to 9
(high)
Institutionalization
Variables, 1.01-1.06
1.01 Year of Origin and 1.02 Name
Changes
1872, ac7
0, ac9
The actual data of origin of the
Liberal Party is open to dispute. The roots of the party go back
to the alliance between the Parti Rouge and the Clear Grits in
opposition to the first government of the federal union in 1867
(Hougham, 1967--3). If one seeks the founding of a national
organization, then the date of 1887, when Sir Wilfrid Laurier
became leader, is the better choice (Hougham, 1967- 3, 10). We
have chosen 1872, when the Liberal factions in parliament first
chose a common leader in parliament (Reid, 1967--18), which allows
us to recognize the party as being in existence when it found
itself in control of government in 1873. There have been no name
changes since the party's origin.
1.03 Organizational
Discontinuity
0, ac9
The Liberals did not undergo any
splits or mergers during our period of interest.
1.04 Leadership
Competition
12, ac9
In 1948, at the Liberal
Convention, Louis St. Laurent was elected party leader. In 1958,
Lester Pearson acquired the leadership by amassing 1074 of the
1380 delegates" votes. He was succeeded in 1958 by Pierre Trueau,
elected leader in the Liberal's April convention.
1.05 Legislative
Instability
Instability is .43,
ac9
The fortunes of the Liberal party
in parliament waned from the beginning of our period, when the
party held some 70 percent of the seats, to 1961, when it could
claim only 19 percent. Although the Liberals doubled their
legislative strength in the house in 1962, they still held fewer
seats than the Conservatives.
1.06 Electoral
Instability
Instability is .12,
ac9
During our time period, the
Liberals made their best showing at the polls In 1953, when they
won 49 percent of the votes. In the remaining elections of 1957,
1958, and 1962, the electoral strength of the Liberals ranged from
34 to 37 percent.
Governmental Status Variables,
2.01-2.07
2.01 Government
Discrimination
0, ac9
The government is neutral and
indifferent towards the party. On the national level there is
merely a 50 name petition and a $200 deposit required to get one's
name on the ballot. In Quebec a candidate must declare a party
affiliation, or declare himself an independent. The major parties
in Quebec also enjoy the benefit of being put first in line on the
ballot sheet.
2.02 Governmental
Leadership
7 out of 7 for 1950-56,
ac9
0 out of 6 for 1957-62,
ac9
The Liberals won clear majorities
in both the elections of 1949 and 1953, thus their leader Louis
St. Laurent was Prime Minister. He lost the goveernment in 1957 to
the conservatives and John Diefenbaker. In 1963 Lester Pearson
became Prime Minister as the Liberals took control of the House of
Commons. From 1968 until 1974 Pierre Trueau has held the post of
Prime Minister.
2.03 Cabinet
Participation
7 out of 7 for 1950-56,
ac9
0 out of 6 for 1957-62,
ac9
In 1957, the Liberal cabinet
resigned its power to the Diefenbaker forces who had won a
plurality of the houses" seats. The Diefenbaker cabinet lasted
until the Election of 1963, since that time the Liberals have held
all cabinet positions.
2.04 National
Participation
6, ac9
Based on election returns from
1953 and 1962 the Liberals demonstrated a greater uniformity of
support over the five major political regions than their chief
rival, the Conservatives. In both periods, their source of
strength roughly reflected the distribution of the electorate, as
they deviated an average of 3.6 percent from the regional
distribution of the vote in 1953 and 3.2 in 1962.
2.05 Legislative Strength
Strength is .67 for 1950-56, ac9
and .25 for 1957-62, ac9
The fortunes of the Liberal party
in parliament waned from the beginning of our period, when the
party held some 70 percent of the seats, to 1961, when it could
claim only 19 percent. Although the Liberals doubled their
legislative strength in the house in 1962, they still held fewer
seats than the Conservatives.
2.06 Electoral Strength
Strength is .49 for 1950-56, ac9
and .37 for 1957-62, Ac9
During our time period, the
Liberals made their best showing at the polls In 1953, when they
won 49 percent of the votes. In the remaining elections
of
1957, 1958, and 1962, the
electoral strength of the Liberals ranged from 34 to
37 percent.
2.07 Outside Origin
4, ac9
The Liberals emerged from a group of legislators who originally
opposed confederation, and supported the rights of the provinces.
The Clear Grits of upper Canada and the Parti Rouge of Quebec
formed the base of the Liberal Party.
Issue Orientation Variables, 5.01-5.15
5.01 Ownership of Means of
Production
0, ac7
The Liberal platform of 1949
rejected "the theory that state ownership of the instruments of
production in itself constitutes progress and a solution of social
problems." their subsequent platforms, however, called for the
maintenance of the Canadian National Railways and the Trans Canada
Airlines as publicly owned and publicly controlled
services.
5.02 Government Role in Economic
Planning
1, ac9
The Liberal platforms called for
a rigorous development program of national resources, in
cooperation with the provinces, in accordance with a program of
research, exploration and survey. They also aimed to reduce those
forms of taxation which interfered with freedom of trade,
increased the cost of living, reduced incentive or discouraged the
expansion of national production and national income. The Liberal
party, however, believed in a "minimum of interference and control
by the state in the daily lives and occupation of the people and
is opposed to any system of overall control of the economy." in
1957 they reaffirmed these positions, and specifically stated they
would not tell the farmers what to grow, or set a price on
agricultural products, it was not the Liberal way.
5.03 Redistribution of
Wealth
1, ac9
The Liberals called for a sound
fiscal policy, the tax burden being distributed equitably and in
accordance with capacity to pay. In reducing taxes, the Liberals
just sought to ease the burden of the lowest income groups. Their
policy was summarized in one statement--"a free economy
distributes plenty rather than rations scarcity," and provides for
more and more people a larger share of more and more.
5.04 Social Welfare
2, ac9
The Liberal party was usually
concerned with social reform. The platforms stressed the steady
extension of insurance on a contributory basis to protect all
citizens, provide for old age, health insurance covering medical,
dental, surgical and hospital health services on a contributory
basis and more equal care and opportunity for all children through
family allowances, and pensions for the blind. The federal and
provincial governments would supply funds for such a programme. In
1958 the Liberals proposed a liberal social security charter,
along with a six dollar monthly increase in old age pensions-which
the Conservatives attacked as too little.
5.05 Secularization of
Society
0, ac7
Religious issues do not normally
become national since the areas in which they are more likely to
arise, child welfare, solemnization of marriage, divorce, and
education are all under provincial jurisdiction. The conciliation
of all religious bodies is a general aim of all parties. The two
major Canadian political parties have strong religious ties with
two different affiliations. The Protestants are more likely to be
Progressive-Conservatives rather than Liberals, while The Liberals
are basically the party of the Roman Catholics. In english
speaking Canada, the history has been one of unsympathetic
treatment of the Roman Catholics generally at the hands of the
Conservative provincial administration, especially in matters
concerning education. This behavior by the Conservatives and their
stand on conscription in both world wars, are factors of the
grievances against conservatives in the Province of
Quebec.
5.06 Support of the
Military
3, ac9
The Liberals in Canada stress the
need for a solid military more than any other party. They support
a defence policy to provide against attack, and also from internal
subversion. The platforms ask for accelerated research and
development of weapons equipment, and procedures for continental
defence by air and sea. The Liberal practice in power was to
escalate, and this became an issue in 1957.
5.07 Alignment with East-West
Blocs
5, ac9
The Liberal party favored the
association of Canada with the United States, United Kingdom, and
other countries of Europe in the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization. The Canadians played a role in forming NATO, and The
Liberals were in office at the time.
5.08 Anti-Colonialism
1, ac9
The Liberal platform of 1949
considered the problem of United States investment in Canada, and
took the following position--each person shall be safe against all
forms of oppression or exploitation, whether by the state or by
other individuals of interest. In 1958, the platform elaborated on
this issue by supporting economic co-operation with the US, and at
the same time stressing that such cooperation would not mean
economic or political subordination (Carrigan,
1968--243).
5.09 Supranational
Integration
1, ac9
The Liberal platform of 1949
supported a measure to facilitate trade between countries of the
British Commonwealth. The Liberals worked while in office to
develop the United Nations, and worked to reduce world trade
barriers . The Liberals took pride in their role as peace-keeper
in the UN, and took every available means to maintain and expand
Canada's external trade, and eventually remove trade barriers
generally.
5.10 National
Integration
1 for 1950-56, ac9 -
1 for 1957-62, ac9
The Liberals" platform of 1949
showed the development of confederation, remembering the meaning
of the word and its assumption of unity in diversity. They
supported unity and harmony among Canadians whatever origin,
language, or creed. In 1958 the Liberals were accused of over
centralizing the government and shifted to a more decentralized
policy dictated by cooperative federalism. In 1958 the Liberal
party reaffirmed their support of federation in the initiation of
the arrangement for tax sharing of tax revenues between the
federal and provincial government.
5.11 Electoral
Participation
5, ac9
In 1958 The Liberals sponsored
the Canadian Citizenship Act, which stands for the absolute
equality of all Canadians, whether born in Canada or naturalized.
The Liberal party endorsed the policy of voluntary integration of
The Canadian Indians into the national life as full citizens. The
Indians received the franchise in 1960. Electoral discrimination
against asiatics in British Columbia ended in 1945 (Qualter,
1970--10).
5.12 Protection of Civil
Rights
5, ac7
The Liberals have continually
stressed the equality of women in the state, and the encouragement
of the young to participate in the government. They encouraged
fair employment practices and non discrimination in employment
under federal jurisdiction. On the French Canadian question the
Liberal party believed in the recognition of special status in
Quebec. The Liberals in 1958 advocated the assimilation of
Canadian Indians into the mainstream of Canadian life.
5.13 Interference with Civil
Liberties
3, ac9
The platform of 1953 gave strong
opposition to the control of men's opinions. It stressed the
maintenance of public control of national films. In 1962 the
Liberals attacked the conservatives" misuse of the CBC and vowed
to restore the CBC's morale and integrity.
5.14 / 5.15 US--Soviet Experts
Left-Right Ratings
US says 2, center
Soviets say 1, represents the interests of major monopolistic
capital, closely allied with US monopolies.
Goal Orientation Variables, 6.01-6.55
6.00 Open Competition in
the Electoral Process
6.00--4, ac9.
The Liberal party relies exclusively on a system of open
competition.
6.01-6.05--2, ac9.
It is a common practice of The Liberal Party to advertise
candidates through various media, to canvass voters during
campaigns, to hold campaign rallies, and to facilitate voting for
Liberal supporters.
6.10 Restricting Party
Competition
6.10--0, ac9.
The Liberals strongly opposed the tactic of restricting party
competition. The Liberals, when in office, have been accused of
'stealing" planks from opposing party platforms, but this is in no
way overtly restricting a party's participation in the political
process.
6.11-6.15--0, ac9. Offenses in
voting regulations in Canada usually concern the deliberate
falsification of voters' lists. In the Toronto riding of St.
Pauls, for example, the Liberal Party candidate was involved in
illegal activities during the 1957 election. No court action was
taken against him, but 4 campaign Workers were found guilty of
adding 474 ficticious names to the voting list. Despite such
occasional transgressions, the Canadian Election Act is reasonably
effective, and there seems no reason to believe elections are won
for any other reason than the voters" ballots.
6.20 Subverting the Political
System
6.20--0, ac9.
There is no subverting of the political system by the Liberals in
Canada.
6.21-6.26--0, ac9.
The Liberal Party never participated in subversive
tactics.
6.30 Propagandizing Ideas and
Program
6.31--1, ac9.
The Liberal Party publishes a quarterly magazine "the Canadian
Liberal." during campaigns, tv and radio time is bought and
offered free from The CBC, which provides free time programs to
"bonafide parties which are national in extent and which reflect a
substantial body of opinion throughout the country." The parties
and the CBC together decide how the time should be distributed.
The election of 1957 saw the Liberals with 33 percent of the free
air time.
6.32--0, ac9.
The Liberals run no school as such, but do have a youth
organization, the "Young Liberal Federation" which parallels the
national party structure.
6.33--1, ac9.
The Liberals occasionally adopt party platforms, usually at times
when they elect a new leader, or at election time.
6.34--1, ac9.
The publishing of position papers usually coincides with an
election year.
6.50 Providing for Welfare of
Party Members
6.51-6.55--0, ac3.Although no
written material that contained information on the party's role of
distributing social benefits was available, talks with Canadian
political scientists led to the conclusion that the Liberal party
never involved itself with this issue.
Autonomy Variables, 7.01-7.05
7.01 Sources of
Funds
1 (sector 04), ac6
Business supplies the bulk of the
Liberal Party funds. In 1953 it was estimated that 50 percent of
its campaign funds were derived from commerce and industry, 40
percent from businessmen linked to particular firms, and only 10
percent from private individuals. Little is received from MP's,
senators, trade unions or individual contributions (Paltiel,
1970--34).
7.02 Source of
Members
5, ac9
Like the PC's, The Liberal's
general members pay an annual membership fee. Not all members pay
this fee, but membership is entirely direct (Engelmann and
Schwartz, 1975--170).
7.03 Sources of
Leaders
2 (sectors 03, 04),
ac6
Kornberg states "Canadian MP's
like their counterparts in other western democracies, tend to be
members of a profession, usually law," (Kornberg, p.43). In
Kornberg's 165 sample constituencies it was found that 32 percent
of all Liberal candidates in eight national elections during the
period 1945-1965 were members of the legal profession. Fully 40
percent of Liberal winners were lawyers. Kornberg, in the same
study, also notes that businessmen were over represented in the
House. Taken together, 76 percent of the sample were included in
these two categories, (Kornberg, p.44).
7.04 Relations with Domestic
Parties
7, ac9
There has been only one
parliamentary coalition in Canada's history, And this was in 1917.
The Liberal party enjoyed complete autonomy in Canada, for it
engaged in no electoral or parliamentary coalitions.
7.05 Relations with Foreign
Organizations
4, ac6
The Liberal Party is affiliated with the Liberal International.
Its main association with the organization is merely in attending
meetings.
Organizational Complexity Variables,
8.01-8.07
8.01 Structural
Articulation
11, ac9
In the Liberal Party, the
national party structure includes a convention, a council, an
executive, table officers, and a central party bureaucracy which
includes numerous standing committees. The national meeting, Or
"convention" is called by the National Executive, and must be held
at least every two years. The functions are clearly defined--the
selection of national leaders and establishing basic policies of
the party. The latter function is often ignored. Representation is
vast, numbering over 2,000, and selection procedures are basically
characterized by prescribed selection. The national party organ
provides guidelines for selection, for both provincial and local
organizations. For instance, the Liberal members of each
provincial assembly and the Liberal candidates defeated at the
last provincial assembly election in each province or new
candidates nominated, acting jointly, have the right to select
from among themselves a number of delegates equal to 1/4 of the
total membership of each provincial assembly. In the Liberal
National Organization there is also a national council. Council
meets at least twice a year and it tncludes eleven representatives
from each province (must include the provincial leader, youth, and
women). These delegates must be reelected annually. The functions
and purposes are related not only to intra party
federal-provincial relations, but also to serve as a forum for the
examination of important political issues. The national executive
which meets no fewer than four times a year, has the duty to carry
out the aims and purposes of the Liberal Party. Members of the
executive are both selected by informal co-option and prescribed
selection, basically however by the latter process. The executive
committee is clearly more authoritative than the council. There
are also standing committees on policy organization finance,
communications and publicity, constitution and party
structure.
8.02 Intensiveness of
Organization
5, ac9
The poll organization in Canada
is the lowest level of party organization. The Liberal Party poll
organizations meet irregularly and practically cease to exist
between elections. An average constituency will have about 150 or
more polls (a smaller number in cities, a larger amount in rural
areas). At this level, a well staffed machine, (according to
Meisel) " consists of a poll captain, assisted by two or three
helpers, one of whom at least have a car. Anywhere from six to ten
polling subdivision organizations will be under the direction of a
group captain," (Meisel, 1962, p.86). But permanent poll
organizations do not normally exist in the Liberal Party (
Engelmann and Schwartz, 1975--172).
8.03 Extensiveness of
Organization
5, ac5
Meisel reports "during the 1957
election there were 44,055 polling stations in Canada. It is
likely that both the Conservative and Liberal Parties tried to
establish an adequate poll organization in a vast majority of
those." the strength of these organizations is variable, however,
(Meisel 1962, P.86). Throughout our period, the Liberals contested
virtually all the seats In federal elections (Beck,
1968).
8.04 Frequency of Local
Meetings
2, ac9
The Liberal Party local
organizations build up as voting day approaches, specifically for
the direction of the upcoming campaign.
8.05 Frequency of National
Meetings
2, ac9
The consultative council of the
Liberal Party is activated by the national executive upon notice.
However, it usually meets only twice a year, which is the minimum
as stated in the party's constitution.
8.06 Maintaining
Records
9, ac6
The Liberal Party publishes party
propaganda, usually policy statements around election time. The
party publishes a quarterly publication - The "Canadian Liberal."
leaflets of the party leaders" speeches are also distributed at
election time. The Liberal Party has a standing committee on
communications and publicity which handles the party archives.
There is a party archive, but the extent to which it is a viable
resource is ambiguous. The Liberal Party has no complete
membership list, only lists of those party activists who have
helped in past elections.
8.07 Pervasiveness of
Organization
6, ac6
The National Liberal Federation has affiliated National
Federations of the Liberal Women, the Young Liberals, and the
University Liberals. Williams recognizes the strength of these
organizations in commenting that the PC's comparable organizations
were window dressing, and only there to keep abreast with the
Liberal Party. (Williams, p.120). The Roman Catholic voter
generally Is associated with the Liberal Party, as well as the
French Canadian. Big Business also showed considerable support for
the Liberals, but this came basically through campaign donations.
However, there are no ancillary organizations of Roman Catholics,
French-Canadians, or businessmen.
Organizational Power Variables, 9.01-9.08
9.01 Nationalization of
Structure
3, ac9
As noted in variable 8.01, there
are distinct national organs, however , their control over the
provincial governments is minimal. For instance, the Saskatchewan
Liberal Party does not have a particularly friendly relationship
with its federal counterpart. The Quebec Liberal Party might as
well be a separate entity in much of the upper level. Regional
cleavages predominate in the Liberal Party organizations, thus
many of the western provinces, as well as Quebec, enjoy a
semi-indepdent status. There are consequently poor lines of
communications between the federal and provincial levels of the
party.
9.02 Selecting the National
Leader
3, ac9
The national leader in the
Liberal Party is the Prime Minister when in power and the Prime
Ministerial candidate when the party is the official opposition.
The leader is selected by a national convention, with
representatives from throughout the country. The leader must win
by a majority of votes at the convention.
9.03 Selecting Parliamentary
Candidates
3, ac9
In the two older parties, the
Liberals and Progressive-Conservative, the procedure for selecting
parliamentary candidates is similar. In the 1957 election the rule
of thumb was that the local party organization selects the person
it desires to run, and in the case of 1957, the provincial party
always accepted the local parties decision. Nonetheless, the
provincial executive of each party has the final responsibility
for seeing that each constituency party picks a suitable candidate
(Meisel, p. 120). At the local level, when an active local
organization exists, there is a special nominating meeting at
which the choosing of a candidate is the main business. Exceptions
to the rule exist in 'safe" seats. Selection committees sometimes
appoint candidates without bothering to have them choice confirmed
by a meeting of the Constituency Party. This instance is prevalent
in constituencies where local organizations have
degenerated.
9.04 Allocating Funds
4, ac6
The Liberal Party is more
federalized than its counterpart, the PC, with respect to the
collection of party funds. The funds of the party are basically
collected, pooled, and distributed by the provincial
organizations. Constituency organizations do, of course, raise
funds with varying degrees of success depending largely on whether
or not a strong local organ exists. Basically, the Liberals do not
seek funds from the citizens at large. (Paltiel ,
1970--12)
9.05 Formulating
Policy
6, ac8
The Liberal Party Convention is
supposed to formulate the main policy statements. However, these
statements which issue from conventions are often ignored by the
parliamentary party (Courtney, 1973--97). Policy initiatives are
explored at "thinkers policy conference," attended by MP's and
MLA's. In
1960, the Conference at Kingston
did produce a discernible change in party policy. In Kingston the
party was helped in moving more to the left.
9.06 Controlling
Communications
4, ac9
The control of the media in the
Liberal Party is shared by all levels. The greatest amount of
information is distributed to party members at election time. The
national headquarters distributes literature to the constituencies
for distribution to party members, but the individual local organs
are not restricted in printing their own materials. The flow of
directives which issues from provincial or national headquarters
is often ignored by local organizers for they feel that they are
better informed on local issues.
9.07 Administering
Discipline
3, ac6
The only discernable disciplinary
techniques are found in the Liberal Party's House of Commons
Caucus. The Caucus which decides how the party is to vote on
certain issues, disciplines only in the sense of stressing the
importance of group solidarity. Caucus decisions, however, are not
always binding.
9.08 Leadership
Concentration
3, ac9
The leadership of the Liberal Party was held by Prime Minister
Louis St. Laurent from 1950-1957. When The Liberals were out of
power, the leader of the opposition, Laurent in 1957 and Lester
Pearson from 58-62, was in charge of the party. Although these two
were formally leaders of the party, when in power, the Prime
Minister had to consult with his cabinet. While in the opposition,
the party leader and other influential MP's usually developed
policy jointly.
Coherence Variables, 10.01-10.06
10.01 Legislative Cohesion
.90, ac3
The paucity of literature made it
nearly impossible to give the two major parties in Canada a viable
estimate on this variable. However, the literature implies that
unless for conscience issues (birth control, capital punishment,
etc.) issues that adversely effect one's constituencies, or for
some other agreement reached beforehand with the party, the MP
will usually follow party lines (Kornberg, p. 149).
10.02 Ideological
Factionalism
1, ac6
Little ideological factionalism
was present during our time period. Within the Quebec wing,
however, there was tension between the old guard and the Young
Turks committed to social change (Engelmann and Schwartz,
1975--36).
10.03 Issue
Factionalism
3, ac4
Some degree of issue factionalism
within the Liberal Party corresponds to provincial orientations.
The Quebec Group, for example, was more favorable toward tariff
protection, while the Prairie Liberals backed free trade (Scarrow,
1965--69, 70).
10.04 Leadership
Factionalism
1, ac9
At the Liberal National
Convention of 1958 there was a contest between Paul Martin and
Lester Pearson for national leadership, but no factional divisions
resulted.
10.05 Strategic or Tactical
Factionalism
0, ac9
There was little disagreement in
the Liberal Party concerning strategies. Although they were the
opposition party in the latter half of the time period, there was
agreement on how to solve the problem of getting back into
power.
10.06 Party Purges
0, ac9
The Liberal Party experienced no purges and carried out
none.
Involvement Variables, 11.01-11.06
11.01 Membership
Requirements
2, ac9
Annual dues to the Liberal Party
are small. They are not always essential, for while a fee is a
formal requirement, party supporters who have paid none may serve
on committees and in various other capacities, (Dawson p.
440).
11.02 Membership
Participation
0, ac5
Membership in the Liberal Party
is casual at best. The only stipulation seems to be that members
have no affiliation with other parties. Moreover, members do not
always vote for "their" party.
11.03 Material
Incentives
1, ac3
Research on incentives for party
activists in Canada is at its infant stage. In a study by
Kornberg, et al., it is stated that participation in the local
organizations of Winnipeg and Vancouver offers little or nothing
in the way of tangible rewards, although many party activists gave
the institution a high ranking in their values of important
objects in their life, (p. 46). It seems that Liberal poll
captains tend to be paid for their duties, however (Engelmann and
Schwartz, 1975--278).
11.04 Purposive
Incentives
1, ac3
Liberal "militants" apparently
wish to keep the party in power, but purposive incentives do not
appear to be the reason for staying on the job for most. We judge
that purposive incentives are important to some significant group,
however.
11.05 Doctrinism
0, ac9
No body of material is evident as
the touchstone of Liberal Party policy (Engelmann and Schwartz,
1975--108).
11.06 Personalism
0, ac3
Regenstreif comments that "Canadian political parties are all
leadership oriented" (p. 126). The 1953 campaign strategy
consisted of presenting Louis St. Laurent (Prime Minister
candidate), as the nation's Uncle Louis. In the election of 1958,
the Liberals chose Lester B. Pearson, a well known foreign affairs
expert as their candidate for P.M. However, the party militants
who were moved by personalism probably were considerably less than
one-third. To this group participation was not based on objective
concerns but on personality differences.