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Because the Capitol was under reconstruction after the
fire, President-elect Monroe offered to take his oath of office in
the House Chamber of the temporary "Brick Capitol," located on the
site where the Supreme Court building now stands. A controversy
resulted from the inaugural committee's proposals concerning the use
of the House Chamber on the second floor of the brick building.
Speaker Henry Clay declined the use of the hall and suggested that
the proceedings be held outside. The President's speech to the crowd
from a platform adjacent to the brick building was the first outdoor
inaugural address. Chief Justice John Marshall administeredt he oath
of office.
I should be destitute of feeling if I was not deeply
affected by the strong proof which my fellow-citizens have
given me of their confidence in calling me to the high
office whose functions I am about to assume. As the
expression of their good opinion of my conduct in the public
service, I derive from it a gratification which those who
are conscious of having done all that they could to merit it
can alone feel. My sensibility is increased by a just
estimate of the importance of the trust and of the nature
and extent of its duties, with the proper discharge of which
the highest interests of a great and free people are
intimately connected. Conscious of my own deficiency, I
cannot enter on these duties without great anxiety for the
result. From a just responsibility I will never shrink,
calculating with confidence that in my best efforts to
promote the public welfare my motives will always be duly
appreciated and my conduct be viewed with that candor and
indulgence which I have experienced in other stations. In commencing the duties of the chief executive office it
has been the practice of the distinguished men who have gone
before me to explain the principles which would govern them
in their respective Administrations. In following their
venerated example my attention is naturally drawn to the
great causes which have contributed in a principal degree to
produce the present happy condition of the United States.
They will best explain the nature of our duties and shed
much light on the policy which ought to be pursued in
future. From the commencement of our Revolution to the present
day almost forty years have elapsed, and from the
establishment of this Constitution twenty-eight. Through
this whole term the Government has been what may
emphatically be called self-government. And what has been
the effect? To whatever object we turn our attention,
whether it relates to our foreign or domestic concerns, we
find abundant cause to felicitate ourselves in the
excellence of our institutions. During a period fraught with
difficulties and marked by very extraordinary events the
United States have flourished beyond example. Their citizens
individually have been happy and the nation prosperous. Under this Constitution our commerce has been wisely
regulated with foreign nations and between the States; new
States have been admitted into our Union; our territory has
been enlarged by fair and honorable treaty, and with great
advantage to the original States; the States, respectively
protected by the National Government under a mild, parental
system against foreign dangers, and enjoying within their
separate spheres, by a wise partition of power, a just
proportion of the sovereignty, have improved their police,
extended their settlements, and attained a strength and
maturity which are the best proofs of wholesome laws well
administered. And if we look to the condition of individuals
what a proud spectacle does it exhibit! On whom has
oppression fallen in any quarter of our Union? Who has been
deprived of any right of person or property? Who restrained
from offering his vows in the mode which he prefers to the
Divine Author of his being? It is well known that all these
blessings have been enjoyed in their fullest extent; and I
add with peculiar satisfaction that there has been no
example of a capital punishment being inflicted on anyone
for the crime of high treason. Some who might admit the competency of our Government to
these beneficent duties might doubt it in trials which put
to the test its strength and efficiency as a member of the
great community of nations. Here too experience has afforded
us the most satisfactory proof in its favor. Just as this
Constitution was put into action several of the principal
States of Europe had become much agitated and some of them
seriously convulsed. Destructive wars ensued, which have of
late only been terminated. In the course of these conflicts
the United States received great injury from several of the
parties. It was their interest to stand aloof from the
contest, to demand justice from the party committing the
injury, and to cultivate by a fair and honorable conduct the
friendship of all. War became at length inevitable, and the
result has shown that our Government is equal to that, the
greatest of trials, under the most unfavorable
circumstances. Of the virtue of the people and of the heroic
exploits of the Army, the Navy, and the militia I need not
speak. Such, then, is the happy Government under which we
live--a Government adequate to every purpose for which the
social compact is formed; a Government elective in all its
branches, under which every citizen may by his merit obtain
the highest trust recognized by the Constitution; which
contains within it no cause of discord, none to put at
variance one portion of the community with another; a
Government which protects every citizen in the full
enjoyment of his rights, and is able to protect the nation
against injustice from foreign powers. Other considerations of the highest importance admonish
us to cherish our Union and to cling to the Government which
supports it. Fortunate as we are in our political
institutions, we have not been less so in other
circumstances on which our prosperity and happiness
essentially depend. Situated within the temperate zone, and
extending through many degrees of latitude along the
Atlantic, the United States enjoy all the varieties of
climate, and every production incident to that portion of
the globe. Penetrating internally to the Great Lakes and
beyond the sources of the great rivers which communicate
through our whole interior, no country was ever happier with
respect to its domain. Blessed, too, with a fertile soil,
our produce has always been very abundant, leaving, even in
years the least favorable, a surplus for the wants of our
fellow-men in other countries. Such is our peculiar felicity
that there is not a part of our Union that is not
particularly interested in preserving it. The great
agricultural interest of the nation prospers under its
protection. Local interests are not less fostered by it. Our
fellow-citizens of the North engaged in navigation find
great encouragement in being made the favored carriers of
the vast productions of the other portions of the United
States, while the inhabitants of these are amply
recompensed, in their turn, by the nursery for seamen and
naval force thus formed and reared up for the support of our
common rights. Our manufactures find a generous
encouragement by the policy which patronizes domestic
industry, and the surplus of our produce a steady and
profitable market by local wants in less-favored parts at
home. Such, then, being the highly favored condition of our
country, it is the interest of every citizen to maintain it.
What are the dangers which menace us? If any exist they
ought to be ascertained and guarded against. In explaining my sentiments on this subject it may be
asked, What raised us to the present happy state? How did we
accomplish the Revolution? How remedy the defects of the
first instrument of our Union, by infusing into the National
Government sufficient power for national purposes, without
impairing the just rights of the States or affecting those
of individuals? How sustain and pass with glory through the
late war? The Government has been in the hands of the
people. To the people, therefore, and to the faithful and
able depositaries of their trust is the credit due. Had the
people of the United States been educated in different
principles, had they been less intelligent, less
independent, or less virtuous, can it be believed that we
should have maintained the same steady and consistent career
or been blessed with the same success? While, then, the
constituent body retains its present sound and healthful
state everything will be safe. They will choose competent
and faithful representatives for every department. It is
only when the people become ignorant and corrupt, when they
degenerate into a populace, that they are incapable of
exercising the sovereignty. Usurpation is then an easy
attainment, and an usurper soon found. The people themselves
become the willing instruments of their own debasement and
ruin. Let us, then, look to the great cause, and endeavor to
preserve it in full force. Let us by all wise and
constitutional measures promote intelligence among the
people as the best means of preserving our liberties. Dangers from abroad are not less deserving of attention.
Experiencing the fortune of other nations, the United States
may be again involved in war, and it may in that event be
the object of the adverse party to overset our Government,
to break our Union, and demolish us as a nation. Our
distance from Europe and the just, moderate, and pacific
policy of our Government may form some security against
these dangers, but they ought to be anticipated and guarded
against. Many of our citizens are engaged in commerce and
navigation, and all of them are in a certain degree
dependent on their prosperous state. Many are engaged in the
fisheries. These interests are exposed to invasion in the
wars between other powers, and we should disregard the
faithful admonition of experience if we did not expect it.
We must support our rights or lose our character, and with
it, perhaps, our liberties. A people who fail to do it can
scarcely be said to hold a place among independent nations.
National honor is national property of the highest value.
The sentiment in the mind of every citizen is national
strength. It ought therefore to be cherished. To secure us against these dangers our coast and inland
frontiers should be fortified, our Army and Navy, regulated
upon just principles as to the force of each, be kept in
perfect order, and our militia be placed on the best
practicable footing. To put our extensive coast in such a
state of defense as to secure our cities and interior from
invasion will be attended with expense, but the work when
finished will be permanent, and it is fair to presume that a
single campaign of invasion by a naval force superior to our
own, aided by a few thousand land troops, would expose us to
greater expense, without taking into the estimate the loss
of property and distress of our citizens, than would be
sufficient for this great work. Our land and naval forces
should be moderate, but adequate to the necessary
purposes--the former to garrison and preserve our
fortifications and to meet the first invasions of a foreign
foe, and, while constituting the elements of a greater
force, to preserve the science as well as all the necessary
implements of war in a state to be brought into activity in
the event of war; the latter, retained within the limits
proper in a state of peace, might aid in maintaining the
neutrality of the United States with dignity in the wars of
other powers and in saving the property of their citizens
from spoliation. In time of war, with the enlargement of
which the great naval resources of the country render it
susceptible, and which should be duly fostered in time of
peace, it would contribute essentially, both as an auxiliary
of defense and as a powerful engine of annoyance, to
diminish the calamities of war and to bring the war to a
speedy and honorable termination. But it ought always to be held prominently in view that
the safety of these States and of everything dear to a free
people must depend in an eminent degree on the militia.
Invasions may be made too formidable to be resisted by any
land and naval force which it would comport either with the
principles of our Government or the circumstances of the
United States to maintain. In such cases recourse must be
had to the great body of the people, and in a manner to
produce the best effect. It is of the highest importance,
therefore, that they be so organized and trained as to be
prepared for any emergency. The arrangement should be such
as to put at the command of the Government the ardent
patriotism and youthful vigor of the country. If formed on
equal and just principles, it can not be oppressive. It is
the crisis which makes the pressure, and not the laws which
provide a remedy for it. This arrangement should be formed,
too, in time of peace, to be the better prepared for war.
With such an organization of such a people the United States
have nothing to dread from foreign invasion. At its approach
an overwhelming force of gallant men might always be put in
motion. Other interests of high importance will claim attention,
among which the improvement of our country by roads and
canals, proceeding always with a constitutional sanction,
holds a distinguished place. By thus facilitating the
intercourse between the States we shall add much to the
convenience and comfort of our fellow-citizens, much to the
ornament of the country, and, what is of greater importance,
we shall shorten distances, and, by making each part more
accessible to and dependent on the other, we shall bind the
Union more closely together. Nature has done so much for us
by intersecting the country with so many great rivers, bays,
and lakes, approaching from distant points so near to each
other, that the inducement to complete the work seems to be
peculiarly strong. A more interesting spectacle was perhaps
never seen than is exhibited within the limits of the United
States--a territory so vast and advantageously situated,
containing objects so grand, so useful, so happily connected
in all their parts! Our manufacturers will likewise require the systematic
and fostering care of the Government. Possessing as we do
all the raw materials, the fruit of our own soil and
industry, we ought not to depend in the degree we have done
on supplies from other countries. While we are thus
dependent the sudden event of war, unsought and unexpected,
can not fail to plunge us into the most serious
difficulties. It is important, too, that the capital which
nourishes our manufacturers should be domestic, as its
influence in that case instead of exhausting, as it may do
in foreign hands, would be felt advantageously on
agriculture and every other branch of industry. Equally
important is it to provide at home a market for our raw
materials, as by extending the competition it will enhance
the price and protect the cultivator against the casualties
incident to foreign markets. With the Indian tribes it is our duty to cultivate
friendly relations and to act with kindness and liberality
in all our transactions. Equally proper is it to persevere
in our efforts to extend to them the advantages of
civilization. The great amount of our revenue and the flourishing state
of the Treasury are a full proof of the competency of the
national resources for any emergency, as they are of the
willingness of our fellow-citizens to bear the burdens which
the public necessities require. The vast amount of vacant
lands, the value of which daily augments, forms an
additional resource of great extent and duration. These
resources, besides accomplishing every other necessary
purpose, put it completely in the power of the United States
to discharge the national debt at an early period. Peace is
the best time for improvement and preparation of every kind;
it is in peace that our commerce flourishes most, that taxes
are most easily paid, and that the revenue is most
productive. The Executive is charged officially in the Departments
under it with the disbursement of the public money, and is
responsible for the faithful application of it to the
purposes for which it is raised. The Legislature is the
watchful guardian over the public purse. It is its duty to
see that the disbursement has been honestly made. To meet
the requisite responsibility every facility should be
afforded to the Executive to enable it to bring the public
agents intrusted with the public money strictly and promptly
to account. Nothing should be presumed against them; but if,
with the requisite facilities, the public money is suffered
to lie long and uselessly in their hands, they will not be
the only defaulters, nor will the demoralizing effect be
confined to them. It will evince a relaxation and want of
tone in the Administration which will be felt by the whole
community. I shall do all I can to secure economy and
fidelity in this important branch of the Administration, and
I doubt not that the Legislature will perform its duty with
equal zeal. A thorough examination should be regularly made,
and I will promote it. It is particularly gratifying to me to enter on the
discharge of these duties at a time when the United States
are blessed with peace. It is a state most consistent with
their prosperity and happiness. It will be my sincere desire
to preserve it, so far as depends on the Executive, on just
principles with all nations, claiming nothing unreasonable
of any and rendering to each what is its due. Equally gratifying is it to witness the increased harmony
of opinion which pervades our Union. Discord does not belong
to our system. Union is recommended as well by the free and
benign principles of our Government, extending its blessings
to every individual, as by the other eminent advantages
attending it. The American people have encountered together
great dangers and sustained severe trials with success. They
constitute one great family with a common interest.
Experience has enlightened us on some questions of essential
importance to the country. The progress has been slow,
dictated by a just reflection and a faithful regard to every
interest connected with it. To promote this harmony in
accord with the principles of our republican Government and
in a manner to give them the most complete effect, and to
advance in all other respects the best interests of our
Union, will be the object of my constant and zealous
exertions. Never did a government commence under auspices so
favorable, nor ever was success so complete. If we look to
the history of other nations, ancient or modern, we find no
example of a growth so rapid, so gigantic, of a people so
prosperous and happy. In contemplating what we have still to
perform, the heart of every citizen must expand with joy
when he reflects how near our Government has approached to
perfection; that in respect to it we have no essential
improvement to make; that the great object is to preserve it
in the essential principles and features which characterize
it, and that is to be done by preserving the virtue and
enlightening the minds of the people; and as a security
against foreign dangers to adopt such arrangements as are
indispensable to the support of our independence, our rights
and liberties. If we persevere in the career in which we
have advanced so far and in the path already traced, we can
oot fail, under the favor of a gracious Providence, to
attain the high destiny which seems to await us. In the Administrations of the illustrious men who have
preceded me in this high station, with some of whom I have
been connected by the closest ties from early life, examples
are presented which will always be found highly instructive
and useful to their successors. From these I shall endeavor
to derive all the advantages which they may afford. Of my
immediate predecessor, under whom so important a portion of
this great and successful experiment has been made, I shall
be pardoned for expressing my earnest wishes that he may
long enjoy in his retirement the affections of a grateful
country, the best reward of exalted talents and the most
faithful and meritorious service. Relying on the aid to be
derived from the other departments of the Government, I
enter on the trust to which I have been called by the
suffrages of my fellow-citizens with my fervent prayers to
the Almighty that He will be graciously pleased to continue
to us that protection which He has already so conspicuously
displayed in our favor.
March 4, 1817