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Chief Justice John Marshall administered the oath of
office in the Hall of the House of Representatives (now National
Statuary Hall). Subsequently the oath by Presidents-elect, with few
exceptions, was taken in the House Chamber or in a place of the
Capitol associated with the Congress as a whole. The Vice
Presidential oath of office for most administrations was taken in the
Senate Chamber. President Jefferson watched the ceremony but he
joined the crowd of assembled visitors since he no longer was an
office-holder. The mild March weather drew a crowd of about 10,000
persons.
Unwilling to depart from examples of the most revered
authority, I avail myself of the occasion now presented to
express the profound impression made on me by the call of my
country to the station to the duties of which I am about to
pledge myself by the most solemn of sanctions. So
distinguished a mark of confidence, proceeding from the
deliberate and tranquil suffrage of a free and virtuous
nation, would under any circumstances have commanded my
gratitude and devotion, as well as filled me with an awful
sense of the trust to be assumed. Under the various
circumstances which give peculiar solemnity to the existing
period, I feel that both the honor and the responsibility
allotted to me are inexpressibly enhanced. The present situation of the world is indeed without a
parallel, and that of our own country full of difficulties.
The pressure of these, too, is the more severely felt
because they have fallen upon us at a moment when the
national prosperity being at a height not before attained,
the contrast resulting from the change has been rendered the
more striking. Under the benign influence of our republican
institutions, and the maintenance of peace with all nations
whilst so many of them were engaged in bloody and wasteful
wars, the fruits of a just policy were enjoyed in an
unrivaled growth of our faculties and resources. Proofs of
this were seen in the improvements of agriculture, in the
successful enterprises of commerce, in the progress of
manufacturers and useful arts, in the increase of the public
revenue and the use made of it in reducing the public debt,
and in the valuable works and establishments everywhere
multiplying over the face of our land. It is a precious reflection that the transition from this
prosperous condition of our country to the scene which has
for some time been distressing us is not chargeable on any
unwarrantable views, nor, as I trust, on any involuntary
errors in the public councils. Indulging no passions which
trespass on the rights or the repose of other nations, it
has been the true glory of the United States to cultivate
peace by observing justice, and to entitle themselves to the
respect of the nations at war by fulfilling their neutral
obligations with the most scrupulous impartiality. If there
be candor in the world, the truth of these assertions will
not be questioned; posterity at least will do justice to
them. This unexceptionable course could not avail against the
injustice and violence of the belligerent powers. In their
rage against each other, or impelled by more direct motives,
principles of retaliation have been introduced equally
contrary to universal reason and acknowledged law. How long
their arbitrary edicts will be continued in spite of the
demonstrations that not even a pretext for them has been
given by the United States, and of the fair and liberal
attempt to induce a revocation of them, can not be
anticipated. Assuring myself that under every vicissitude
the determined spirit and united councils of the nation will
be safeguards to its honor and its essential interests, I
repair to the post assigned me with no other discouragement
than what springs from my own inadequacy to its high duties.
If I do not sink under the weight of this deep conviction it
is because I find some support in a consciousness of the
purposes and a confidence in the principles which I bring
with me into this arduous service. To cherish peace and friendly intercourse with all
nations having correspondent dispositions; to maintain
sincere neutrality toward belligerent nations; to prefer in
all cases amicable discussion and reasonable accommodation
of differences to a decision of them by an appeal to arms;
to exclude foreign intrigues and foreign partialities, so
degrading to all countries and so baneful to free ones; to
foster a spirit of independence too just to invade the
rights of others, too proud to surrender our own, too
liberal to indulge unworthy prejudices ourselves and too
elevated not to look down upon them in others; to hold the
union of the States as the basis of their peace and
happiness; to support the Constitution, which is the cement
of the Union, as well in its limitations as in its
authorities; to respect the rights and authorities reserved
to the States and to the people as equally incorporated with
and essential to the success of the general system; to avoid
the slightest interference with the right of conscience or
the functions of religion, so wisely exempted from civil
jurisdiction; to preserve in their full energy the other
salutary provisions in behalf of private and personal
rights, and of the freedom of the press; to observe economy
in public expenditures; to liberate the public resources by
an honorable discharge of the public debts; to keep within
the requisite limits a standing military force, always
remembering that an armed and trained militia is the firmest
bulwark of republics--that without standing armies their
liberty can never be in danger, nor with large ones safe; to
promote by authorized means improvements friendly to
agriculture, to manufactures, and to external as well as
internal commerce; to favor in like manner the advancement
of science and the diffusion of information as the best
aliment to true liberty; to carry on the benevolent plans
which have been so meritoriously applied to the conversion
of our aboriginal neighbors from the degradation and
wretchedness of savage life to a participation of the
improvements of which the human mind and manners are
susceptible in a civilized state--as far as sentiments and
intentions such as these can aid the fulfillment of my duty,
they will be a resource which can not fail me. It is my good fortune, moreover, to have the path in
which I am to tread lighted by examples of illustrious
services successfully rendered in the most trying
difficulties by those who have marched before me. Of those
of my immediate predecessor it might least become me here to
speak. I may, however, be pardoned for not suppressing the
sympathy with which my heart is full in the rich reward he
enjoys in the benedictions of a beloved country, gratefully
bestowed or exalted talents zealously devoted through a long
career to the advancement of its highest interest and
happiness. But the source to which I look or the aids which alone
can supply my deficiencies is in the well-tried intelligence
and virtue of my fellow-citizens, and in the counsels of
those representing them in the other departments associated
in the care of the national interests. In these my
confidence will under every difficulty be best placed, next
to that which we have all been encouraged to feel in the
guardianship and guidance of that Almighty Being whose power
regulates the destiny of nations, whose blessings have been
so conspicuously dispensed to this rising Republic, and to
whom we are bound to address our devout gratitude for the
past, as well as our fervent supplications and best hopes
for the future.
March 4, 1809