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Heavy snow fell the night before the inauguration, but
thoughts about cancelling the plans were overruled. The election of
1960 had been close, and the Democratic Senator from Massachusetts
was eager to gather support for his agenda. He attended Holy Trinity
Catholic Church in Georgetown that morning before joining President
Eisenhower to travel to the Capitol. The Congress had extended the
East Front, and the inaugural platform spanned the new addition. The
oath of office was administered by Chief Justice EarlWarren. Robert
Frost read one of his poems at the ceremony.
Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice,
President Eisenhower, Vice president Nixon, President
Truman, Reverend Clergy, fellow citizens: We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration
of freedom--symbolizing an end as well as a
beginning--signifying renewal as well as change. For I have
sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our
forebears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters
ago. The world is very different now. For man holds in his
mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty
and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary
beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue
around the globe-the belief that the rights of man come not
from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God.
We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that
first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and
place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been
passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this
century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter
peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to
witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to
which this nation has always been committed, and to which we
are committed today at home and around the world. Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill,
that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any
hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the
survival and the success of liberty. This much we pledge--and more. To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins
we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United,
there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative
ventures. Divided, there is little we can do--for we dare
not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.
To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the
free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control
shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far
more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them
supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them
strongly supporting their own' freedom-and to remember that,
in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the
back of the tiger ended up inside. To those peoples in the huts and villages of half the
globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we
pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for
whatever period is required--not because the communists may
be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it
is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are
poor, it cannot save the few who are rich. To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a
special pledge--to convert our good words into good
deeds--in a new alliance for progress--to assist free men
and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.
But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey
of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall
join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere
in the Americas. And let every other power know that this
Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.
To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United
Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments
of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew
our pledge of support--to prevent it from becoming merely a
forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new and
the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.
Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our
adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both
sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers
of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in
planned or accidental self-destruction. We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our
arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond
doubt that they will never be employed. But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations
take comfort from our present course--both sides
overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly
alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both
racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays
the hand of mankind's final war. So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that
civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always
subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear. But
let us never fear to negotiate. Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of
belaboring those problems which divide us. Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and
precise proposals for the inspection and control of
arms--and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations
under the absolute control of all nations. Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science
instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars,
conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths
and encourage the arts and commerce. Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth
the command of Isaiah--to "undo the heavy burdens . . .
(and) let the oppressed go free." And if a beach-head of cooperation may push back the
jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new
endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of
law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the
peace preserved. All this will not be finished in the first one hundred
days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand
days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even
perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.
In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will
rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this
country was founded, each generation of Americans has been
summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The
graves of young Americans who answered the call to service
surround the globe. Now the trumpet summons us again-not as a call to bear
arms, though arms we need--not as a call to battle, though
embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long
twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope,
patient in tribulation"--a struggle against the common
enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease and war itself.
Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global
alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a
more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that
historic effort? In the long history of the world, only a few generations
have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour
of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this
responsibility--I welcome it. I do not believe that any of
us would exchange places with any other people or any other
generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we
bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who
serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the
world. And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country
can do for you--ask what you can do for your country. My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America
will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom
of man. Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens
of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of
strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good
conscience our only sure reward, with history the final
judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we
love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that
here on earth God's work must truly be our own."
Jan. 20, 1961