Over all the
parties, the two scales were virtually uncorrelated, r=.03.
(Janda 1980b: 156-157).
(1965) defines autonomy in terms of interests rather than
structure. He requires autonomous organizations to "have
their own interests and values indistinguishable from those
of other social forces" (p.401).
18. Out of 905
abstracts on political parties identified in a
DIALOGTM search, only 25 mentioned finance or
funding; only a few dealt specifically with party finance;
and none that were remotely comparative were in
19. Not only
did the former "satellite" parties of ruling Communist
parties in Eastern Europe (e.g., the four minor parties in
the German Democratic Republic) clearly lack autonomy, but
some scholars contended that they should not be regarded as
separate parties. However, their survival after the collapse
of the ruling party indicated that they had distinct
organizations, albeit subservient ones.
20. For a
defense of the Middle-Level Elite project, see Reif,
Niedermayer, and Schmitt (1986).
21. A later
definition by Belloni and Beller (1978), is conceptually
identical. They define faction as "any relatively
organized groups that exists within the context of some
other group and which (as political faction)
competes with rivals for power advantages within the
larger group of which it is a part" (p. 419, emphasis in
indicators of involvement--severity of membership
requirements, membership participation, material incentives,
purposive incentives, and doctrinism--were used to produce a
scale with an alpha reliability coefficient of .78 (Janda
(1989) has contended that Michels' "iron law" did not apply
to the West German Green Party, when organization did not
result in oligarchy.
Schlesinger (1991, 135-145) for a trenchant analysis of
these opposing positions.
Schlesinger used the term "office-seeking" in referring to
his theory (1991, p. 143), it is really a "vote-seeking"
theory when (compared to the European usage of
office-seeking. See Strom (1990).
and Sprague explain their title, Paper Stones, with
this statement: "Barricades were no longer needed when
workers could cast ballots: votes were 'paper stones.'"
chapter on "Strength and Alliances" (1963, 281-351) dealt
with indicators of governmental status.
28. But Hibbs'
research drew criticism from Payne (1979) for biased
selection of cases, and other methodological issues, to
which Hibbs replied (1979).
29. In keeping
with Duverger's own broad view of comparative party
analysis, these linkages were empirically supported by data
that included restrictive and subversive parties in
communist and third world countries along with the larger
group of mostly competitive parties in democratic regimes
(Janda 1979). The numbers of parties underlying each
proposition varied from 79 to 135 (Janda and King
30. For a
dissent on the value of Duverger's work, see Daalder
31. Von Beyme
was replying to an earlier review of the German edition of
his book, which found "incomprehensible" his "lack of
interest in general theory" (Raschke 1983, 109).
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