220 American Government and Politics
Spring, 2000

Kenneth Janda, Instructor

Week 6: Group-Government Linkage
Lecture 1: Political Parties & Interest Groups

May 2

 

Money, elections, and party politics
  • Adam Klein's e-mail:
    • disagrees with me that "soft money is not a problem in America" because
      • it does not "go directly to the candidates"
      • "there is no quid pro quo implied with soft money" as with standard, direct donation
      • Klein says, several "classmates also found these claims quixotic as well"
    • Klein contends
      • "soft money is routed by political action committees and parties to candidates coffers"
      • "Such bodies serve merely as loopholes to route unlimited amounts of money to candidates, thus circumventing donation limits."
      • PACs and parties work hand in hand with the candidates whose interests (and financial well being) they advance.
      • "Furthermore, soft money comes attached to a clear quid pro quo."
      • Thus, we have
        • "the Clinton administration's consistent support of the interests of trial lawyers,"
        • "or Republicans' impassioned defense of Big Tobacco."
      • "Average citizens are not fooled:"
        • "many politicians can be bought and sold."
        • "leaders like Russ Feingold and John McCain are a bright spots in a dark sea of cronyism."
    • Please "address this in class on Tuesday if possible"
  • My response:
    • Who is being quixotic?
      • Cervantes' early 17th century novel, Don Quixote de la Mancha, told of the chivalrous adventures of a country gentleman caught up in old-fashioned romance.
      • Thus, the term "quixotic," has come to mean idealistic without regard to practicality.
      • Feingold and McCain are the quixotic ones.
    • Facing reality in politics:
      • Given a large number of eligible voters, campaigning to win an election can cost a lot of money.
      • Factors in the cost of a campaign to individual candidates:
        • The number of voters
        • The geographical size of the electoral district
        • The candidates' popularity prior to the campaign
        • The opponents' popularity prior to the campaign
        • Any free advertising that benefits candidates
        • Financial support from a political party
    • Reality produces these empirical propositions:
      • The more money an incumbent spends in an election, the less likely is victory.
      • Limits on campaign spending reduce the likelihood that challengers will defeat incumbents.
      • Limits on PAC contributions to candidates for Congress are opposed more by women and minority candidates than by white male candidates.
  • Understanding the financing of American elections:
    • The subject is very complex
      • To improve campaign finance, you must understand the problem.
      • In general, reformers are apt to do more harm than good.
    • Some differences between the American and European approaches to campaign financing
      • Election campaigns in the US tend to cost more than campaigns in European nations.
        • The US has a larger electorate.
        • The US elects more public officials per capita
        • Elections in the US are contested by individuals; elections in Europe are contested by parties.
        • The US has long general election campaigns; Europe has short campaigns
        • Candidates in the US often compete in costly primary campaigns;
        • Candidates in the US usually must purchase TV time; candidates in Europe are often awarded TV time.
      • In the US, money goes to individual candidates; in Europe, money goes to parties
      • In the US, laws are stronger concerning the disclosure of campaign funds
      • In the US, laws place more limits of the amount of funds a citizen can contribute.
  • My basic argument is this:
    • The campaign finance system that we have reflects the political system that we have.
      • Our system is not only structurally decentralized, it is psychologically individualistic.
        • Citizens think they should vote for the person, not the party.
        • Candidates run to elect themselves, not their party.
        • Members in Congress act to insure their own re-election,
          • They rarely act to serve their party's interest
          • They seldom act to serve the national interest.
      • The campaign finance legislation in 1974 reflected this:
        • The original bill provided for public funds to go to the parties of the presidential candidates
        • It was amended to go instead to the candidates of the major parties.
    • Little can be done to reform our campaign finance system without changing our political system.
    • There is merit in permitting contributions to parties as opposed to individual candidates.
      • Money given to parties breaks the direct link between contributors and candidates.
        • First, candidates need not solicit funds themselves from contributors.
        • Second, individual contributors' funds become mixed with funds from other contributors
          • This dilutes their contributions and renders them less traceable
          • It reduces the "quid pro quo" nature of the contribution.
      • Parties become somewhat more important in our system, but by no means dominant in our system.
Political parties vs. interest groups
  • DEFINITION: "an organized body of individuals who share some political goals and who try to influence public policy decisions"
  • Distinguished from a "political party":
    • BREADTH OF POLICY FOCUS: Interest groups are narrower
      • Interest groups have narrower goals, which are based on the special interests that are common to those in the group.
      • Because they advocate policy positions that promote their special concerns, interest groups are said to engage in INTEREST ARTICULATION.
        • to articulate an interest is to express it clearly
      • Parties, on the other hand, have broader policy goals, based on the diverse interests of the coalition of people who support the party.
      • Because parties must somehow balance diverse, and often conflicting, interests of people in their coalition, they are said to be INTEREST AGGREGATORS.
        • to aggregate interests is to collect and balance them
    • BREADTH OF POLITICAL FOCUS: Interest groups are broader
      • Interest groups operate at all stages of the political process -- elections, policy-making, policy implementation.
      • Parties concentrate on the electoral process and on the allocation of offices within government after elections.
      • In fact, the most distinguishing characteristic of parties is that they nominate candidates to run as AVOWED representatives of the party.
      • If an "interest group" were to do this, it would become a political party by definition.
  • American parties are more aggregative of interests than political parties in other countries.
    • In the U.S. multiple, often conflicting interests are collected and balanced off within the Democratic and Republican parties.
    • In European governments with multiparty systems, voters have a choice of parties that articulate interests of specific groups of voters.
      • Agrarian parties
      • Religious parties
      • Labour
      • Free enterprise
      • Ethnic parties
    • The Anglo-American democracies, which all tend to have two-party systems: UK, Canada, New Zealand, Australia--are also aggregative.
    • In these countries, voters tend to know in advance of elections which interests will be represented in government.
    • In multiparty countries, it is uncommon for a single party to control the government after an election.
    • Consequently, government must be formed from coalitions of parties.
    • Voters don't know in advance which parties will join to form a government, so voters don't know what interests will be represented in government when they vote.
    • American parties offer voters fewer choices, but the choices are linked more directly to what government does after election.
  • American parties are also less powerful than political parties in other countries
    • They don't control nominations of their own candidates
    • They can't even collect money to support campaigns without cries to curtail "soft money"
  • These two characteristics of American parties--broadly aggregative nature and lack of internal power--have consequences for American government.
    • American parties fit the pluralist rather than the majoritarian model of democracy.
      • Parties are only additional players on the interest group scene.
      • They offer groups political access, but access does not guarantee political benefits.
      • Even when in control of the legislative and executive branches, American parties do not fit the model of "responsible party government" and are able to carry through legislative programs.
      • Parties are better positioned to block legislative programs than to carry them out.
The pervasiveness of interest groups in American politics
  • A classification of interest groups and examples:
    • business (e.g., National Association of Manufacturers)
    • labor (AFL-CIO)
    • education (National Education Association)
    • farm (Farm Bureau)
    • environmental (Sierra Club)
    • People: senior citizens, women, civil rights, (blacks, Jews, Italians)
    • Public interest (Common Cause)
    • Ideological (Moral Majority, People for the American Way)
    • Single-issue groups (Pro- and Anti-Abortion groups)
  • Where do interest groups operate in the American political process?
    • Everywhere:
      • Legislative branch--origin of term "lobby"
      • executive branch--including the bureaucracy
      • judicial branch--through arguments before the court
      • in state politics
      • in the military
  •