The "ac" code is for "adequacy-confidence"--a
data
quality measure
ranging from 0 (low) to 9 (high)
Party name and code
number
United Ireland, 052
Fine Gael, FG, 052
Information base and
researchers
Information on the Fine Gael was
coded from 79 documents and 811 pages of literature, all in
english, on party politics in Ireland. 157 pages, or 19 per cent,
deal with the Fine Gael. Jeffrey Millstone indexed the literature.
Qonnie Laughlin coded the first two variable clusters, Alan Kaplan
coded the fifth, sixth, and seventh clusters, and Mary Welfing
coded the eighth through eleventh clusters.
Institutionalization Variables,
1.01-1.06
1.01 year of origin and 1.02 name
changes
1923, ac7
0, ac6
There is some discrepancy as to whether Fine Gael was formed in
1933 from the merger of the Farmers Party and Cumann na nGaedheal
or if it is really the successor of Cumann na nGaedheal which
means it started in 1923. The latter interpretation will be
assumed since the ideology of the two was the same, and since some
references cite the Fine Gael as the child of the 1921 split, and
the Cumann na nGaedheal as one of the parties formed right after
the split with the same ideology as the Fine Gael. Thus it is easy
to assume that this is the same party. One source cites the fact
that the party name was assumed in 1937 and that there has been no
change since then. This is in line with the original assumption
that the Fine Gael is the successor of the Cumann na nGaedheal.
Otherwise the name change would have occurred in 1933. However, in
either case the code remains 0, since scoring for this variable
begins in 1941.
1.03 organizational discontinuity
0, ac5
There is no evidence of any
splits or mergers after the 1930's in the literature.
1.04 leadership
competition
11, ac4
The literature does not discuss leadership competition within Fine
Gael with much clarity. O"Duffy, though not a member of
parliament, was regarded as national party leader when Cumann na
nGaedheal and the farmer party merged in 1933. He was succeeded by
Cosgrave who in turn retired in favor of Mulcahy in 1944. Mulcahy
had the title of party president, which he retained throughout
Costello's tenure as prime minister (1948 - 1951) and leader of
the opposition(1957 - 1959). Because Costello headed a coalition
government and a coalition opposition, Mulcahy is treated as the
organizational leader of the party. He was replaced in 1959 by
James Dillon, who assumed both posts formerly held by Mulcahy and
Costello and established a clear claim to the party leadership. In
1965, after the end of our time period, Dillon was succeeded by
Liam Cosgrave. During our period, the processes of change appeared
to be characterized by voluntary rather than involuntary
resignation.
1.05 / 2.05 legislative
instability and strength
instability is .12, ac8
Strength is .30 for first half, ac8, and .29 for second half,
ac9
During our period, Fine Gael's percentage of seats never rose
above one-third, entrenching it in second place behind Fianna
Fail.
1.06 / 2.06 electoral instability
and strength
instability is .10, ac9
Strength is .29 for first half, ac9, and .30 for second half,
ac9
In elections in 1951, 54, 57, and 61, Fine Gael never got more
than 33 per cent of the votes.
Governmental Status Variables,
2.01-2.07
2.01 government
discrimination
0 for the first half, ac3
-1 for the second half, ac6
There is one reference stating that the electoral act of 1959
favored Fianna Fail and discriminated against other parties. It
was declared unconstitutional.
2.02 governmental
leadership
5 out of 7 for first half,
ac9
1 out of 6 for second half, ac9
The Fine Gael held government leadership from 1948 to 1951 and
again from 1954 to 1957. Although elections were held early in the
year, the variable requires any portion of a year to be counted as
a whole year. Thus, years included for government leadership are
1950, 1951, 1954, 1955, 1956, and 1957.
2.03 cabinet
participation
5 out of 7 for first half,
ac9
1 out of 6 for second half, ac9
The Fine Gael held cabinet positions in 1950, 1951, 1954, 1955,
1956, and 1957. The Fianna Fail was in power from 1951 to 1954 and
during the second half of our time period, and the Fine Gael did
not participate in its cabinets.
2.04 national
participation
6, ac8
There is strong evidence to support this code. The Fine Gael was a
national party which contested every constituency and drew support
from widely scattered areas of the country.
2.07 outside origin
4, ac8
In line with the interpretation that the Fine Gael was the
continuation of the Cumann na Gaedheal (see variable 1.01) the
party was formed by groups of legislators currently holding
office.
Issue Orientation Variables, 5.01-5.15
5.01 ownership of means of
production
1, ac5
The Fine Gael party opposed governmental ownership of basic
industries and advocated taxes and fiscal policies which would
encourage private enterprise. Our consultant states that Fine Gael
has not fundamentally objected to the many state-sponsored bodies
(the Irish term which covers a number of semi state enterprises)
created under FF governments. The first public utility, the
electricity supply board, was founded in 1927 under Cumann na
nGaedheal.
5.02 government role in economic
planning
3, ac9
The party favored an active governmental role in the development
of industry and agriculture. It advocated the development of a
department of economic planning, which would advise industry and
coordinate state, local, and private interests in the
economy.
5.03 redistribution of
wealth
1, ac6
The party favored a redistribution of the wealth but only in the
sense of taxes and incentives in fiscal policy to encourage
private industry and to move that industry into rural
areas.
5.04 social welfare
1, ac8
The party advocated voluntary assistance programs including a
voluntary health insurance scheme, availability of interest-free
loans, and protection of workers" jobs if world conditions should
alter the economic environment. None of the programs were
compulsory. Our consultant advises us that today the party is far
more collectivist in its outlook.
5.05 secularization of
society
1, ac8
The party took a benevolent attitude towards religion in general
and the catholic church hierarchy in particular. The party
originally took an independent stand on the 1950 health bill,
which the church did not support. When the Fine Gael finally
supported it, the church caused the government to
fall.
5.06 support of the
military
ac1
No information
5.07 alignment with east-west
blocs
3, ac8
The party favored alliances with and support from the western
countries, including joining the common market, opening up
channels of aid with the United States, and allying with the west
against communism.
5.08 anti-colonialism
3, ac7
The Fine Gael party advocated independence from Great Britain in
its policy on partition of northern Ireland. It accepted some
delay, illustrated by the party's acceptance of the partition
treaty. Finally, it did not advocate disruption of relations with
Great Britain, but rather favored membership in the
commonwealth.
5.09 supranational
integration
3, ac7
The party advocated political and economic alliances with other
nations, while retaining individual state identity. It favored the
common market, the commonwealth, and the atlantic partnership of
President Kennedy.
5.10 national
integration
5, ac4
Apparently the Fine Gael was a nationalist party that favored the
assimilation of all segments of the society into the national
political culture. Our consultant says that today it is no longer
irredentist in its attitude towards northern Ireland.
5.11 electoral
participation
5, ac3
From the lack of information, it is inferred that the Fine Gael
wants to maintain the present system of universal
suffrage.
5.12 protection of civil rights
ac1
No information
5.13 interference with civil
liberties
ac1
No information
5.14 / 5.15 us--soviet experts
left-right ratings
US says 1, conservative
Soviets say 1, defends the interests of major financial and
industrial capital.
Goal Orientation Variables, 6.01-6.55
6.00 open competition in
the electoral process
4, ac5
All evidence suggests that the Fine Gael is exclusively oriented
to open competition in the electoral process.
6.10 restricting party
competition
0, ac5
There is no evidence to suggest that the Fine Gael has attempted
to restrict open competition.
6.20 subverting the political
system
0, ac5
There is no evidence to suggest that the Fine Gael has attempted
to subvert the political process.
6.30 propagandizing ideas and
program
ac1
No information
6.50 providing for welfare of
party members
6.51, 6.52, 6.54--ac1. No
information.
6.53--1, ac3. During its period in government, it was identical to
FF in its state of local politics. Even during its years as an
"out" party, it performed this local contact role, though to a
lesser degree owing to its severance from official sources of
patronage.
6.55 - 1, ac3. From limited information it is inferred that the
Fine Gael provided recreational services on a limited
basis.
Autonomy Variables, 7.01-7.05
7.01 sources of
funds
7, ac9
All of the party's support and funds comes from the party
organization in the form of subscriptions, affiliation fees,
collections such as church-gate collections, and social functions.
The national council is responsible for collection and allocation
of funds.
7.02 source of
members
5 (sectors 02, 04), ac6
Party membership is direct and open to all sectors of society, but
membership is drawn largely from shopkeepers and
farmers.
7.03 sources of leaders
ac1
No information
7.04 relations with domestic
parties
4 for first half, ac9
7 for second half, ac7
The Fine Gael was dependent on the labour party for its coalition
governments during the first half of our time period, from 1948 to
1951 and again from 1954 to 1957. After 1957, Fine Gael and labour
went separate ways, re-uniting after the end of our time
period.
7.05 relations with foreign
organizations
5, ac5
There is no evidence that the party is affiliated with any
international organization.
Organizational Complexity Variables,
8.01-8.07
8.01 structural
articulation
7, ac8
The Fine Gael has three national organs--the ard-fheis or annual
convention, the national council, and the parliamentary group.
Although the status of the parliamentary group is unclear, the
selection procedures and functions of the first two organs are
clearly specified.
8.02 intensiveness of
organization
4, ac8
The basic unit of the Fine Gael is the branch.
8.03 extensiveness of
organization
6, ac7
The Fine Gael has branches throughout the country, although many
are personal organizations and most are dormant except at election
time.
8.04 frequency of local
meetings
3, ac6
The branches appear to be dormant except at election time, but the
party constitution states that each branch must meet once a
year.
8.05 frequency of national
meetings
4, ac6
The constitution of the Fine Gael requires that the national
council meet quarterly or more frequently if
necessary.
8.06 maintaining
records
6, ac3
There is no evidence of archives. There is no mention of
membership lists, but it is inferred that some sort of lists exist
since new members must pay dues. The party periodically publishes
several papers and engages in considerable propaganda, especially
at election time.
8.07 pervasiveness of
organization
0, ac7
There is no evidence to suggest that the Fine Gael controls any
ancillary organizations.
Organizational Power Variables,
9.01-9.08
9.01 nationalization of
structure
6, ac6
The national organs act directly on local organizations--the
branches, districts, and constituencies. There are no regional
organs.
9.02 selecting the national
leader
3, ac6
According to the party constitution, the president of the party is
selected by the ard-fheis or national convention, whose delegates
represent local organs.
9.03 selecting parliamentary
candidates
5, ac8
Constituency conventions select parliamentary candidates, but the
national executive committee determines the number of candidates,
can add or suggest further candidates, and ratifies the choices of
the constituencies.
9.04 allocating funds
2, ac5
Branches, districts, and constituencies collect funds. Some funds
are transferred from lower levels to the national council in an
amount determined by the national council. Constituencies are
primarily responsible for allocating money for campaigns. Other
allocation responsibilities are not specified.
9.05 formulating
policy
6, ac3
One source indicates that policy formulation in Irish parties
takes place in the parliamentary group. It is inferred that this
holds true of the Fine Gael.
9.06 controlling
communications
5, ac3
There is no information on the control of party media, but it is
inferred that national organs control the Fine Gael weekly and
monthly papers. These publications appear to be small and not
influential.
9.07 administering
discipline
4, ac6
The party constitution gives the national council power to deprive
individuals of membership, to dissolve local organs, and to call
new elections for officers. The national council must consult the
constituency executives to dissolve a branch or district
executive.
9.08 leadership concentration
ac1
No information
Coherence Variables, 10.01-10.06
10.01 legislative cohesion
.95, ac3
There is no specific information on voting in the Irish parliament
(Oreichtas) but it is inferred from statements on the strict
discipline of Irish parliamentary parties that the Fine Gael is
highly cohesive.
10.02 ideological factionalism
0, ac7
There is no evidence of ideological factionalism in the Fine
Gael.
10.03 issue factionalism
0, ac7
There is no evidence of issue factionalism in the Fine
Gael.
10.04 leadership factionalism
0, ac7
There is no evidence of leadership factionalism or opposition to
the leadership of general Mulcahy through 1959 or to Dillon after
1959.
10.05 strategic or tactical
factionalism
0, ac7
There is no evidence of strategic or tactical factions in ne
gael.
10.06 party purges
0, ac7
There is no evidence of any purges in the Fine Gael in our time
period.
Involvement Variables, 11.01-11.06
11.01 membership
requirements
3, ac5
The only apparent membership requirements are the payment of a
registration fee and annual dues.
11.02 membership participation
ac1
No information
11.03 material
incentives
1, ac3
Through the apparent lack of other incentives, it is inferred that
some militants are motivated by material incentives.
11.04 purposive incentives
0, ac3
Although the Fine Gael had roots in the issues of the civil war,
and although highly explosive questions such as the partition
treaty have created the present party divisions, these questions
have little relevance during our time period and there are few
ideological or issue differences between the parties.
11.05 doctrinism
0, ac7
There is no evidence of any written doctrine for the Fine
Gael.
11.06 personalism
0, ac5
It does not appear that any of the Fine Gael leaders have provided
motivation for any of the party militants.