plicit discussion of the concept. These are (1) identifying the existence of party organs, (2) specifying the ways in which membership in these party organs is attained, and (3) establishing the functional relationships (linkages) that exist among these various organs. Thus, a party that ranks high in structural articulation demonstrates a well-defined set of party organs, features fixed membership with definite terms of service, and prescribes clear selection procedures. The relationships between the various organs are differentiated by function but not necessarily by lines of authority. Assessing relationships among party organs according to lines of authority is a matter for the "centralization of power" variable cluster. Here, we seek to measure a concept that is logically independent of the centralization of power.

Given our concern with political parties in national politics, we are mainly interested in the structural articulation of national party organs. A distinction between "governing" and "administrative" agencies may be helpful in identifying types of national party organs. Within the category of "governing" agencies, there are three general types of organs. (1) "Legislative assemblies" of large numbers of party members constitute the most authoritative organs within parties by virtue of their size and relatively representative composition. More commonly, these legislative assemblies are called party "congresses, " "conferences, " or "conventions. " To be counted as an "existing" national organ within each of our two time periods, a party's legislative assembly must meet at least once, which should handle the situation of a legislative assembly existing on paper but not in practice. (2) "National committees" of some sort are usually empowered to carry on party activities between legislative assemblies. These are commonly called "national committees" or "central committees," and frequently they are further subdivided into small executive committees for guiding day-to-day activities of the party. Such smaller committees, if clearly defined, would themselves be counted as additional national organs. (3) "Councils" of party leaders of a size between the legislative assemblies and the executive committees sometimes exist to fill the authority gap between the two. Such party councils have a variety of names.

Within the category of "administrative" agencies, here are many types of organs; we examine four. (I) The "parliamentary" organization is undoubtedly the most important of these, and some might with good reason classify this organization under the "governing" category. Where the parliamentary organization is classified matters little because of the heuristic nature of the categorization. It is more important to count a well-defined party organization within the legislature as another national party organ and to count two national organs if separate organizations exist for each chamber in a bicameral legislature. (2) "Research" organizations are taken to include party groups formed to formulate policy, expound ideology, or otherwise engage in the substance of political issues. (3) "Nomination" committees refer to standing party agencies that pass on the suitability of party candidates. (4) "Finance" committees refer to standing party committees entrusted with the task of raising of dispensing funds. Other administrative or task-oriented committees might be identified, such as "patronage" committees, but enough have been mentioned to suggest differentiations among national party organs. In general, the greater the number of national organs that can be identified, the more structurally articulated the party.

A distinction needs to be made between "informal co-optation" of members into party organs and "prescribed selection" of members. Informal co-optation is the process of having members of the party organ themselves select additional members to fill out its membership. This process would also apply to the party leaders' unilateral selection of members to create a party organ. In contrast to the informal and unregulated process of co-optation is the process of prescribed selection, which sets forth the procedures involved in achieving party office, including eligibility and rules of election. In its classic form, prescribed selection involves other party organs, usually lower ones, electing or otherwise designating representatives to sit on the various national bodies. Prescribed selection also includes the case of members of a party organ formally subdividing into other party organs. In general, the process of prescribed selection is assumed to involve more structural articulation than informal co-optation.

Operational Definition. Parties were scored for structural articulation according to the most appropriate of the following categories, ranging from the lowest articulation to the highest.

0	Organization is so vague, diffuse, or changeable that no institutionalized organs can be identified at either the national or local levels.
1	The only organs that can be identified exist at the local level; organization at the national level is so vague or changeable that no institutionalized organs can be identified.
2	One national organ can be identified, but the selection procedures for membership on this organ either are indeterminate or involve a substantial amount of informal cooptation.
3	One national organ can be identified, and the selection process for membership on this body is characterized by prescribed selection.
4	Two or three major national organs can be identified; the selection procedures are either largely indeterminate or involve a substantial amount of

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