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The issue of comparability has another side to it, however, which is whether observations on the same variables mean the same thing in countries with different cultures. Przeworski and Teune discuss this matter of conceptual equivalence at length and suggest that "the similarity of the structure of indicators is the criterion for establishing the equivalence of measurement instruments."[5] This volume investigates the interrelationships among the indicators in Chapter 14, but it does not address the issue of conceptual equivalence across cultures. Our preliminary examination of the interrelationships, however, strongly upholds the similarity of structures for parties in different regions of the world, for parties in countries of different levels of industrialization, and for parties with different goal orientations.[6] While the issue is not yet settled, this aspect of the validity of the holonational approach to the study of political parties seems encouraging. As it has
finally emerged more than fifteen years after its initial
planning, this study represents a considerable investment of
funds and a great investment of effort. It is not a perfect
study, and it undoubtedly contains many errors of fact and
judgment. As in any complex study that depends on the work
of many researchers, some of the countries and parties were
researched more carefully and competently than others. But,
as I have read and checked each and every item in this
volume, I must accept responsibility for mistakes above and
beyond the traditional assumption of responsibility by any
author. I urge readers to communicate to me findings of
substantive errors or new information that would lead to the
reduction of missing data. I truly hope that this
holonational study of 158 political parties in 53 nations,
despite its blemishes, gaps, and restrictiveness in time,
will induce parties' scholars to be more encompassing in
their approaches to the topic, enabling us to make more
progress in the next 25 years than we have in the
last. |
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