Inaugural Addresses of the Presidents of the United States. 1989. James Buchanan: Inaugural Address.

James Buchanan

Inaugural Address

Wednesday, March 4, 1857

The Democratic Party chose another candidate instead of theirincumbent President when they nominated James Buchanan at the national convention.Since the Jackson Administration, he had a distinguished career as a Senator,Congressman, Cabinet officer, and ambassador. The oath of office was administeredby Chief Justice Roger Taney on the East Portico of the Capitol. A paradehad preceded the ceremony at the Capitol, and an inaugural ball was heldthat evening for 6,000 celebrants in a specially built hall on JudiciarySquare.

Fellow-Citizens:
  I APPEAR before you this day to takethe solemn oath "that I will faithfully execute the office of Presidentof the United States and will to the best of my ability preserve, protect,and defend the Constitution of the United States."
1
  In entering upon this great office I must humbly invoke theGod of our fathers for wisdom and firmness to execute its high and responsibleduties in such a manner as to restore harmony and ancient friendship amongthe people of the several States and to preserve our free institutions throughoutmany generations. Convinced that I owe my election to the inherent lovefor the Constitution and the Union which still animates the hearts of theAmerican people, let me earnestly ask their powerful support in sustainingall just measures calculated to perpetuate these, the richest politicalblessings which Heaven has ever bestowed upon any nation. Having determinednot to become a candidate for reelection, I shall have no motive to influencemy conduct in administering the Government except the desire ably and faithfullyto serve my country and to live in grateful memory of my countrymen. 2
  We have recently passed through a Presidential contest in whichthe passions of our fellow-citizens were excited to the highest degree byquestions of deep and vital importance; but when the people proclaimed theirwill the tempest at once subsided and all was calm. 3
  The voice of the majority, speaking in the manner prescribedby the Constitution, was heard, and instant submission followed. Our owncountry could alone have exhibited so grand and striking a spectacle ofthe capacity of man for self-government. 4
  What a happy conception, then, was it for Congress to applythis simple rule, that the will of the majority shall govern, to the settlementof the question of domestic slavery in the Territories. Congress is neither"to legislate slavery into any Territory or State nor to exclude ittherefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulatetheir domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitutionof the United States." 5
  As a natural consequence, Congress has also prescribed thatwhen the Territory of Kansas shall be admitted as a State it "shallbe received into the Union with or without slavery, as their constitutionmay prescribe at the time of their admission." 6
  A difference of opinion has arisen in regard to the point oftime when the people of a Territory shall decide this question for themselves. 7
  This is, happily, a matter of but little practical importance.Besides, it is a judicial question, which legitimately belongs to the SupremeCourt of the United States, before whom it is now pending, and will, itis understood, be speedily and finally settled. To their decision, in commonwith all good citizens, I shall cheerfully submit, whatever this may be,though it has ever been my individual opinion that under the Nebraska-Kansasact the appropriate period will be when the number of actual residents inthe Territory shall justify the formation of a constitution with a viewto its admission as a State into the Union. But be this as it may, it isthe imperative and indispensable duty of the Government of the United Statesto secure to every resident inhabitant the free and independent expressionof his opinion by his vote. This sacred right of each individual must bepreserved. That being accomplished, nothing can be fairer than to leavethe people of a Territory free from all foreign interference to decide theirown destiny for themselves, subject only to the Constitution of the UnitedStates. 8
  The whole Territorial question being thus settled upon the principleof popular sovereignty—a principle as ancient as free government itself—everythingof a practical nature has been decided. No other question remains for adjustment,because all agree that under the Constitution slavery in the States is beyondthe reach of any human power except that of the respective States themselveswherein it exists. May we not, then, hope that the long agitation on thissubject is approaching its end, and that the geographical parties to whichit has given birth, so much dreaded by the Father of his Country, will speedilybecome extinct? Most happy will it be for the country when the public mindshall be diverted from this question to others of more pressing and practicalimportance. Throughout the whole progress of this agitation, which has scarcelyknown any intermission for more than twenty years, whilst it has been productiveof no positive good to any human being it has been the prolific source ofgreat evils to the master, to the slave, and to the whole country. It hasalienated and estranged the people of the sister States from each other,and has even seriously endangered the very existence of the Union. Nor hasthe danger yet entirely ceased. Under our system there is a remedy for allmere political evils in the sound sense and sober judgment of the people.Time is a great corrective. Political subjects which but a few years agoexcited and exasperated the public mind have passed away and are now nearlyforgotten. But this question of domestic slavery is of far graver importancethan any mere political question, because should the agitation continueit may eventually endanger the personal safety of a large portion of ourcountrymen where the institution exists. In that event no form of government,however admirable in itself and however productive of material benefits,can compensate for the loss of peace and domestic security around the familyaltar. Let every Union-loving man, therefore, exert his best influence tosuppress this agitation, which since the recent legislation of Congressis without any legitimate object. 9
  It is an evil omen of the times that men have undertaken tocalculate the mere material value of the Union. Reasoned estimates havebeen presented of the pecuniary profits and local advantages which wouldresult to different States and sections from its dissolution and of thecomparative injuries which such an event would inflict on other States andsections. Even descending to this low and narrow view of the mighty question,all such calculations are at fault. The bare reference to a single considerationwill be conclusive on this point. We at present enjoy a free trade throughoutour extensive and expanding country such as the world has never witnessed.This trade is conducted on railroads and canals, on noble rivers and armsof the sea, which bind together the North and the South, the East and theWest, of our Confederacy. Annihilate this trade, arrest its free progressby the geographical lines of jealous and hostile States, and you destroythe prosperity and onward march of the whole and every part and involveall in one common ruin. But such considerations, important as they are inthemselves, sink into insignificance when we reflect on the terrific evilswhich would result from disunion to every portion of the Confederacy—tothe North, not more than to the South, to the East not more than to theWest. These I shall not attempt to portray, because I feel an humble confidencethat the kind Providence which inspired our fathers with wisdom to framethe most perfect form of government and union ever devised by man will notsuffer it to perish until it shall have been peacefully instrumental byits example in the extension of civil and religious liberty throughout theworld. 10
  Next in importance to the maintenance of the Constitution andthe Union is the duty of preserving the Government free from the taint oreven the suspicion of corruption. Public virtue is the vital spirit of republics,and history proves that when this has decayed and the love of money hasusurped its place, although the forms of free government may remain fora season, the substance has departed forever. 11
  Our present financial condition is without a parallel in history.No nation has ever before been embarrassed from too large a surplus in itstreasury. This almost necessarily gives birth to extravagant legislation.It produces wild schemes of expenditure and begets a race of speculatorsand jobbers, whose ingenuity is exerted in contriving and promoting expedientsto obtain public money. The purity of official agents, whether rightfullyor wrongfully, is suspected, and the character of the government suffersin the estimation of the people. This is in itself a very great evil. 12
  The natural mode of relief from this embarrassment is to appropriatethe surplus in the Treasury to great national objects for which a clearwarrant can be found in the Constitution. Among these I might mention theextinguishment of the public debt, a reasonable increase of the Navy, whichis at present inadequate to the protection of our vast tonnage afloat, nowgreater than that of any other nation, as well as to the defense of ourextended seacoast. 13
  It is beyond all question the true principle that no more revenueought to be collected from the people than the amount necessary to defraythe expenses of a wise, economical, and efficient administration of theGovernment. To reach this point it was necessary to resort to a modificationof the tariff, and this has, I trust, been accomplished in such a manneras to do as little injury as may have been practicable to our domestic manufactures,especially those necessary for the defense of the country. Any discriminationagainst a particular branch for the purpose of benefiting favored corporations,individuals, or interests would have been unjust to the rest of the communityand inconsistent with that spirit of fairness and equality which ought togovern in the adjustment of a revenue tariff. 14
  But the squandering of the public money sinks into comparativeinsignificance as a temptation to corruption when compared with the squanderingof the public lands. 15
  No nation in the tide of time has ever been blessed with sorich and noble an inheritance as we enjoy in the public lands. In administeringthis important trust, whilst it may be wise to grant portions of them forthe improvement of the remainder, yet we should never forget that it isour cardinal policy to reserve these lands, as much as may be, for actualsettlers, and this at moderate prices. We shall thus not only best promotethe prosperity of the new States and Territories, by furnishing them a hardyand independent race of honest and industrious citizens, but shall securehomes for our children and our children's children, as well as for thoseexiles from foreign shores who may seek in this country to improve theircondition and to enjoy the blessings of civil and religious liberty. Suchemigrants have done much to promote the growth and prosperity of the country.They have proved faithful both in peace and in war. After becoming citizensthey are entitled, under the Constitution and laws, to be placed on a perfectequality with native-born citizens, and in this character they should everbe kindly recognized. 16
  The Federal Constitution is a grant from the States to Congressof certain specific powers, and the question whether this grant should beliberally or strictly construed has more or less divided political partiesfrom the beginning. Without entering into the argument, I desire to stateat the commencement of my Administration that long experience and observationhave convinced me that a strict construction of the powers of the Governmentis the only true, as well as the only safe, theory of the Constitution.Whenever in our past history doubtful powers have been exercised by Congress,these have never failed to produce injurious and unhappy consequences. Manysuch instances might be adduced if this were the proper occasion. Neitheris it necessary for the public service to strain the language of the Constitution,because all the great and useful powers required for a successful administrationof the Government, both in peace and in war, have been granted, either inexpress terms or by the plainest implication. 17
  Whilst deeply convinced of these truths, I yet consider it clearthat under the war-making power Congress may appropriate money toward theconstruction of a military road when this is absolutely necessary for thedefense of any State or Territory of the Union against foreign invasion.Under the Constitution Congress has power "to declare war," "toraise and support armies," "to provide and maintain a navy,"and to call forth the militia to "repel invasions." Thus endowed,in an ample manner, with the war-making power, the corresponding duty isrequired that "the United States shall protect each of them [the States]against invasion." Now, how is it possible to afford this protectionto California and our Pacific possessions except by means of a militaryroad through the Territories of the United States, over which men and munitionsof war may be speedily transported from the Atlantic States to meet andto repel the invader? In the event of a war with a naval power much strongerthan our own we should then have no other available access to the PacificCoast, because such a power would instantly close the route across the isthmusof Central America. It is impossible to conceive that whilst the Constitutionhas expressly required Congress to defend all the States it should yet denyto them, by any fair construction, the only possible means by which oneof these States can be defended. Besides, the Government, ever since itsorigin, has been in the constant practice of constructing military roads.It might also be wise to consider whether the love for the Union which nowanimates our fellow-citizens on the Pacific Coast may not be impaired byour neglect or refusal to provide for them, in their remote and isolatedcondition, the only means by which the power of the States on this sideof the Rocky Mountains can reach them in sufficient time to "protect"them "against invasion." I forbear for the present from expressingan opinion as to the wisest and most economical mode in which the Governmentcan lend its aid in accomplishing this great and necessary work. I believethat many of the difficulties in the way, which now appear formidable, willin a great degree vanish as soon as the nearest and best route shall havebeen satisfactorily ascertained. 18
  It may be proper that on this occasion I should make some briefremarks in regard to our rights and duties as a member of the great familyof nations. In our intercourse with them there are some plain principles,approved by our own experience, from which we should never depart. We oughtto cultivate peace, commerce, and friendship with all nations, and thisnot merely as the best means of promoting our own material interests, butin a spirit of Christian benevolence toward our fellow-men, wherever theirlot may be cast. Our diplomacy should be direct and frank, neither seekingto obtain more nor accepting less than is our due. We ought to cherish asacred regard for the independence of all nations, and never attempt tointerfere in the domestic concerns of any unless this shall be imperativelyrequired by the great law of self-preservation. To avoid entangling allianceshas been a maxim of our policy ever since the days of Washington, and itswisdom's no one will attempt to dispute. In short, we ought to do justicein a kindly spirit to all nations and require justice from them in return. 19
  It is our glory that whilst other nations have extended theirdominions by the sword we have never acquired any territory except by fairpurchase or, as in the case of Texas, by the voluntary determination ofa brave, kindred, and independent people to blend their destinies with ourown. Even our acquisitions from Mexico form no exception. Unwilling to takeadvantage of the fortune of war against a sister republic, we purchasedthese possessions under the treaty of peace for a sum which was consideredat the time a fair equivalent. Our past history forbids that we shall inthe future acquire territory unless this be sanctioned by the laws of justiceand honor. Acting on this principle, no nation will have a right to interfereor to complain if in the progress of events we shall still further extendour possessions. Hitherto in all our acquisitions the people, under theprotection of the American flag, have enjoyed civil and religious liberty,as well as equal and just laws, and have been contented, prosperous, andhappy. Their trade with the rest of the world has rapidly increased, andthus every commercial nation has shared largely in their successful progress. 20
  I shall now proceed to take the oath prescribed by the Constitution,whilst humbly invoking the blessing of Divine Providence on this great people. 21

Inaugural Addressesof the Presidents of the United States. 1989.

Fellow-Citizens: I APPEAR before you this day to takethe solemn oath "that I will faithfully execute the office of Presidentof the United States and will to the best of my ability preserve, protect,and defend the Constitution of the United States."	1
In entering upon this great office I must humbly invoke theGod of our fathers for wisdom and firmness to execute its high and responsibleduties in such a manner as to restore harmony and ancient friendship amongthe people of the several States and to preserve our free institutions throughoutmany generations. Convinced that I owe my election to the inherent lovefor the Constitution and the Union which still animates the hearts of theAmerican people, let me earnestly ask their powerful support in sustainingall just measures calculated to perpetuate these, the richest politicalblessings which Heaven has ever bestowed upon any nation. Having determinednot to become a candidate for reelection, I shall have no motive to influencemy conduct in administering the Government except the desire ably and faithfullyto serve my country and to live in grateful memory of my countrymen.	2
We have recently passed through a Presidential contest in whichthe passions of our fellow-citizens were excited to the highest degree byquestions of deep and vital importance; but when the people proclaimed theirwill the tempest at once subsided and all was calm.	3
The voice of the majority, speaking in the manner prescribedby the Constitution, was heard, and instant submission followed. Our owncountry could alone have exhibited so grand and striking a spectacle ofthe capacity of man for self-government.	4
What a happy conception, then, was it for Congress to applythis simple rule, that the will of the majority shall govern, to the settlementof the question of domestic slavery in the Territories. Congress is neither"to legislate slavery into any Territory or State nor to exclude ittherefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulatetheir domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitutionof the United States."	5
As a natural consequence, Congress has also prescribed thatwhen the Territory of Kansas shall be admitted as a State it "shallbe received into the Union with or without slavery, as their constitutionmay prescribe at the time of their admission."	6
A difference of opinion has arisen in regard to the point oftime when the people of a Territory shall decide this question for themselves.	7
This is, happily, a matter of but little practical importance.Besides, it is a judicial question, which legitimately belongs to the SupremeCourt of the United States, before whom it is now pending, and will, itis understood, be speedily and finally settled. To their decision, in commonwith all good citizens, I shall cheerfully submit, whatever this may be,though it has ever been my individual opinion that under the Nebraska-Kansasact the appropriate period will be when the number of actual residents inthe Territory shall justify the formation of a constitution with a viewto its admission as a State into the Union. But be this as it may, it isthe imperative and indispensable duty of the Government of the United Statesto secure to every resident inhabitant the free and independent expressionof his opinion by his vote. This sacred right of each individual must bepreserved. That being accomplished, nothing can be fairer than to leavethe people of a Territory free from all foreign interference to decide theirown destiny for themselves, subject only to the Constitution of the UnitedStates.	8
The whole Territorial question being thus settled upon the principleof popular sovereignty—a principle as ancient as free government itself—everythingof a practical nature has been decided. No other question remains for adjustment,because all agree that under the Constitution slavery in the States is beyondthe reach of any human power except that of the respective States themselveswherein it exists. May we not, then, hope that the long agitation on thissubject is approaching its end, and that the geographical parties to whichit has given birth, so much dreaded by the Father of his Country, will speedilybecome extinct? Most happy will it be for the country when the public mindshall be diverted from this question to others of more pressing and practicalimportance. Throughout the whole progress of this agitation, which has scarcelyknown any intermission for more than twenty years, whilst it has been productiveof no positive good to any human being it has been the prolific source ofgreat evils to the master, to the slave, and to the whole country. It hasalienated and estranged the people of the sister States from each other,and has even seriously endangered the very existence of the Union. Nor hasthe danger yet entirely ceased. Under our system there is a remedy for allmere political evils in the sound sense and sober judgment of the people.Time is a great corrective. Political subjects which but a few years agoexcited and exasperated the public mind have passed away and are now nearlyforgotten. But this question of domestic slavery is of far graver importancethan any mere political question, because should the agitation continueit may eventually endanger the personal safety of a large portion of ourcountrymen where the institution exists. In that event no form of government,however admirable in itself and however productive of material benefits,can compensate for the loss of peace and domestic security around the familyaltar. Let every Union-loving man, therefore, exert his best influence tosuppress this agitation, which since the recent legislation of Congressis without any legitimate object.	9
It is an evil omen of the times that men have undertaken tocalculate the mere material value of the Union. Reasoned estimates havebeen presented of the pecuniary profits and local advantages which wouldresult to different States and sections from its dissolution and of thecomparative injuries which such an event would inflict on other States andsections. Even descending to this low and narrow view of the mighty question,all such calculations are at fault. The bare reference to a single considerationwill be conclusive on this point. We at present enjoy a free trade throughoutour extensive and expanding country such as the world has never witnessed.This trade is conducted on railroads and canals, on noble rivers and armsof the sea, which bind together the North and the South, the East and theWest, of our Confederacy. Annihilate this trade, arrest its free progressby the geographical lines of jealous and hostile States, and you destroythe prosperity and onward march of the whole and every part and involveall in one common ruin. But such considerations, important as they are inthemselves, sink into insignificance when we reflect on the terrific evilswhich would result from disunion to every portion of the Confederacy—tothe North, not more than to the South, to the East not more than to theWest. These I shall not attempt to portray, because I feel an humble confidencethat the kind Providence which inspired our fathers with wisdom to framethe most perfect form of government and union ever devised by man will notsuffer it to perish until it shall have been peacefully instrumental byits example in the extension of civil and religious liberty throughout theworld.	10
Next in importance to the maintenance of the Constitution andthe Union is the duty of preserving the Government free from the taint oreven the suspicion of corruption. Public virtue is the vital spirit of republics,and history proves that when this has decayed and the love of money hasusurped its place, although the forms of free government may remain fora season, the substance has departed forever.	11
Our present financial condition is without a parallel in history.No nation has ever before been embarrassed from too large a surplus in itstreasury. This almost necessarily gives birth to extravagant legislation.It produces wild schemes of expenditure and begets a race of speculatorsand jobbers, whose ingenuity is exerted in contriving and promoting expedientsto obtain public money. The purity of official agents, whether rightfullyor wrongfully, is suspected, and the character of the government suffersin the estimation of the people. This is in itself a very great evil.	12
The natural mode of relief from this embarrassment is to appropriatethe surplus in the Treasury to great national objects for which a clearwarrant can be found in the Constitution. Among these I might mention theextinguishment of the public debt, a reasonable increase of the Navy, whichis at present inadequate to the protection of our vast tonnage afloat, nowgreater than that of any other nation, as well as to the defense of ourextended seacoast.	13
It is beyond all question the true principle that no more revenueought to be collected from the people than the amount necessary to defraythe expenses of a wise, economical, and efficient administration of theGovernment. To reach this point it was necessary to resort to a modificationof the tariff, and this has, I trust, been accomplished in such a manneras to do as little injury as may have been practicable to our domestic manufactures,especially those necessary for the defense of the country. Any discriminationagainst a particular branch for the purpose of benefiting favored corporations,individuals, or interests would have been unjust to the rest of the communityand inconsistent with that spirit of fairness and equality which ought togovern in the adjustment of a revenue tariff.	14
But the squandering of the public money sinks into comparativeinsignificance as a temptation to corruption when compared with the squanderingof the public lands.	15
No nation in the tide of time has ever been blessed with sorich and noble an inheritance as we enjoy in the public lands. In administeringthis important trust, whilst it may be wise to grant portions of them forthe improvement of the remainder, yet we should never forget that it isour cardinal policy to reserve these lands, as much as may be, for actualsettlers, and this at moderate prices. We shall thus not only best promotethe prosperity of the new States and Territories, by furnishing them a hardyand independent race of honest and industrious citizens, but shall securehomes for our children and our children's children, as well as for thoseexiles from foreign shores who may seek in this country to improve theircondition and to enjoy the blessings of civil and religious liberty. Suchemigrants have done much to promote the growth and prosperity of the country.They have proved faithful both in peace and in war. After becoming citizensthey are entitled, under the Constitution and laws, to be placed on a perfectequality with native-born citizens, and in this character they should everbe kindly recognized.	16
The Federal Constitution is a grant from the States to Congressof certain specific powers, and the question whether this grant should beliberally or strictly construed has more or less divided political partiesfrom the beginning. Without entering into the argument, I desire to stateat the commencement of my Administration that long experience and observationhave convinced me that a strict construction of the powers of the Governmentis the only true, as well as the only safe, theory of the Constitution.Whenever in our past history doubtful powers have been exercised by Congress,these have never failed to produce injurious and unhappy consequences. Manysuch instances might be adduced if this were the proper occasion. Neitheris it necessary for the public service to strain the language of the Constitution,because all the great and useful powers required for a successful administrationof the Government, both in peace and in war, have been granted, either inexpress terms or by the plainest implication.	17
Whilst deeply convinced of these truths, I yet consider it clearthat under the war-making power Congress may appropriate money toward theconstruction of a military road when this is absolutely necessary for thedefense of any State or Territory of the Union against foreign invasion.Under the Constitution Congress has power "to declare war," "toraise and support armies," "to provide and maintain a navy,"and to call forth the militia to "repel invasions." Thus endowed,in an ample manner, with the war-making power, the corresponding duty isrequired that "the United States shall protect each of them [the States]against invasion." Now, how is it possible to afford this protectionto California and our Pacific possessions except by means of a militaryroad through the Territories of the United States, over which men and munitionsof war may be speedily transported from the Atlantic States to meet andto repel the invader? In the event of a war with a naval power much strongerthan our own we should then have no other available access to the PacificCoast, because such a power would instantly close the route across the isthmusof Central America. It is impossible to conceive that whilst the Constitutionhas expressly required Congress to defend all the States it should yet denyto them, by any fair construction, the only possible means by which oneof these States can be defended. Besides, the Government, ever since itsorigin, has been in the constant practice of constructing military roads.It might also be wise to consider whether the love for the Union which nowanimates our fellow-citizens on the Pacific Coast may not be impaired byour neglect or refusal to provide for them, in their remote and isolatedcondition, the only means by which the power of the States on this sideof the Rocky Mountains can reach them in sufficient time to "protect"them "against invasion." I forbear for the present from expressingan opinion as to the wisest and most economical mode in which the Governmentcan lend its aid in accomplishing this great and necessary work. I believethat many of the difficulties in the way, which now appear formidable, willin a great degree vanish as soon as the nearest and best route shall havebeen satisfactorily ascertained.	18
It may be proper that on this occasion I should make some briefremarks in regard to our rights and duties as a member of the great familyof nations. In our intercourse with them there are some plain principles,approved by our own experience, from which we should never depart. We oughtto cultivate peace, commerce, and friendship with all nations, and thisnot merely as the best means of promoting our own material interests, butin a spirit of Christian benevolence toward our fellow-men, wherever theirlot may be cast. Our diplomacy should be direct and frank, neither seekingto obtain more nor accepting less than is our due. We ought to cherish asacred regard for the independence of all nations, and never attempt tointerfere in the domestic concerns of any unless this shall be imperativelyrequired by the great law of self-preservation. To avoid entangling allianceshas been a maxim of our policy ever since the days of Washington, and itswisdom's no one will attempt to dispute. In short, we ought to do justicein a kindly spirit to all nations and require justice from them in return.	19
It is our glory that whilst other nations have extended theirdominions by the sword we have never acquired any territory except by fairpurchase or, as in the case of Texas, by the voluntary determination ofa brave, kindred, and independent people to blend their destinies with ourown. Even our acquisitions from Mexico form no exception. Unwilling to takeadvantage of the fortune of war against a sister republic, we purchasedthese possessions under the treaty of peace for a sum which was consideredat the time a fair equivalent. Our past history forbids that we shall inthe future acquire territory unless this be sanctioned by the laws of justiceand honor. Acting on this principle, no nation will have a right to interfereor to complain if in the progress of events we shall still further extendour possessions. Hitherto in all our acquisitions the people, under theprotection of the American flag, have enjoyed civil and religious liberty,as well as equal and just laws, and have been contented, prosperous, andhappy. Their trade with the rest of the world has rapidly increased, andthus every commercial nation has shared largely in their successful progress.	20
I shall now proceed to take the oath prescribed by the Constitution,whilst humbly invoking the blessing of Divine Providence on this great people.	21