Path: Table of Contents > Essay on Party Politics > Party 361
Paraguayan National Republican Association, 361
Variables and Codes for 1950-1962
For the concepts and variables below, use these links to Political Parties: A Cross-National Survey:
Institutionalization
Governmental Status
Issue Orientation
Goal Orientation
Autonomy
Organizational Complexity
Organizational Power
Organizational Coherence
Membership Involvement
The "ac" code is for "adequacy-confidence"--a data quality measure ranging from 0 (low) to 9 (high)
Party name and code number
Paraguayan National Republican Association, commonly called Reds (Colorados), 361
Asociacion Nacional Republicana, more commonly called Colorados.

Institutionalization Variables
, 1.01-1.06
1.01 year of origin and 1.02 name changes
1887, AC7
0, AC9
It appears that the Colorado party was founded in 1887, although some sources prefer to trace its roots back a little further (to 1874). There is no evidence of any name changes, although it has been known both as the Asociacion Nacional Republicana and the Partido Colorado.
1.03 organizational discontinuity
11, AC5
There was a split in 1951 between the Guion Rojo and the democratic faction, with some members expelled from the Guion Rojo faction. In 1958, the movimiento popular Colorado developed as a faction in the party.
1.04 leadership competition
13, AC6
During our period, Stroessner was never formally the head of the ANR, although in practice he could call many--but not all--of the shots. Up until the early 19605s the party leadership and not Stroessner filled many key government posts. By 1970, Stroessner ran the party completely. During our period, the presidency of the party changed from Federico Craves to Tomas Romero Pereira to J. Bernardino Gorostiaga, to Juan Ramon Craves.
1.05 / 2.05 legislative instability and strength
instability is .,00, AC8
strength is 1.0 for 1st half and 1.0 for 2n0 half, AC9
The Colorados held all the seats throughout our time period, during which opposition parties were not permitted to participate in elections.
1.06 / 2.06 electoral instability and strength
instability is undefined
strength is undefined
Presidential elections were held in 1953, 1954, and 1958. The Colorados were unopposed in the first election, but they relaxed control somewhat during the second half of our time period and allowed some slight measure of competition. Still, control was so complete that the party's scores are undefined on these variables.

Governmental Status Variables, 2.01-2.07
2.01 government discrimination
16 for 1st half, AC9
16 for 2nd half, AC9
The Colorado party, in the Paraguayan tradition, has been declared the only legal party. Opposition party leaders are exiled or imprisoned.
2.02 governmental leadership
7 out of 7 for 1st half, AC9
6 out of 5 for 2nd half, AC9
Paraguay has been under two Colorado presidents since 1950-Federico Craves and Alfredo Stroessner.
2.03 cabinet participation
1 out of 7 for 1st half, AC9
6 out of 6 for 2nd half, AC9
The Colorado party was been the governing body under the Stroessner and Craves regimes. No other parties were allowed full participation in elections.
2.04 rational participation
5, AC7
The Colorados, although their leaders are still members of aristocratic elites, have become a national party, rather than an elite party. The loyalty of the nation is traditionally divided between the Colorados and the Liberals. This continues to be the case, except now on a much broader scale. Yet the method in which they were founded prohibits saying that they are spread uniformly across the country. Being formed by caraies (encomienda leaders), the first parties were based on the strength of the carai over a certain region. Nichols points out that these geographic pockets of power still exist today. Thus, there are areas in which the Colorado party is more popular and areas in which the Liberals are more popular, although neither party totally eclipses the other in any area.
2.07 outside origin
1, AC9
the Colorado party was founded by the ruling clique under the auspices of Bernandino Casellero. The actual party was formed when a group of caraies (paternalistic rulers of the encomiendas who had great power over their inhabitants) consolidated their power behind Casellero.

Issue Orientation Variables, 5.01-5.15
5.01 ownership of means of production
-3, AC6
The Colorados are distinctly anti-communist, and disagree with communist ideology, but no actual statements have been made concerning their sentiments about ownership of industries. This is especially noticeable in the lack of any statement about it in the Colorado program.
5.02 government role in economic planning
3, AC9
The party's doctrine allows for intervention in economics for the good of the society--societal issues are seen as more important than private industry. It appears that the Colorados have followed this line of thinking in their policy.
5.03 redistribution of wealth
3, AC9
There has been land redistribution in Paraguay and it appears that social welfare programs are slowly being created. The Colorado party is trying to build a welfare-state type of image through their advocacy of cooperatives, tax reforms and a general redistribution of wealth.
5.04 social welfare
3, AC9
this is a very difficult variable to code, because it should in some way take into account the coalition of Paraguay before the Stroessner regime. In any case, Stroessner has given the people in Asuncion running water, streets, electric lights, asphalted roads. TV, public health programs, state supervision of labor contracts, social insurance, workers safety, land reform, housing projects, and expanded education. Many of these programs have been taken from liberal and Febrerista suggestions.
5.05 secularization of society
-1, AC5
There is a unity in church-state relations in Paraguay--ecclesiastical patronage is still acknowledged by the president. The declaration of principles says nothing about the role of the church, suggesting that the role of the church is part of the national culture.
5.06 support of the military
5, AC9
Paraguay, being a military dictatorship, gives exorbitant support to the military because this is the true seat of power. Thus, the Colorados, as the party in power, give enormous support to the military.
5.07 alignment with east-west blocs
-5, AC5
Paraguay is dependent upon the United States for all types of aid--especially military aid. In fact, this is one of the reasons for a common criticism of the Stroessner regime by the opposition parties--they feel that U.S. aid is supporting a repressive dictatorship. Paraguay was a signatory of the 1947 Rio Treaty. A general security post involving the U.S. and most Latin American countries.
5.08 anti-colonialism
-1, AC5
Paraguay is not a colony, but the fact remains that its relationship with the U.S. is one of dependence, and Paraguay has throughout this time period looked to the U.S. (and Argentina) for support.
5.09 supranational integration
1 for 1st half, AC8
1 for 2nd half, AC6
It appears that during the first half of our time period, president Craves desired to build a customs union with Argentina as illustrated by a series of trade pacts and statements by the Colorado party at that time. During the second half of this time period, Stroessner closed the border in an effort to alleviate the insurgency attempts which he felt had been based in the countries bordering Paraguay. There was no information on whether Stroessner had planned or preferred to continue efforts towards an economic union beyond the fact that the Colorado program advocates regional economic integration.
5.10 national integration
3, AC6
In theory the Colorados are trying to envelope Paraguayans with the 'mistica Colorado' (Colorado mystique) which they define as a subconscious unification of people under the banner of the Colorado party. This would ideally give to the people a political identity within the structure of the party. The Colorados admit that this had not fully occurred during the time period which we studied, but claimed this as their goal.
5.11 electoral participation
-3, AC5
In theory the Colorados require all males to vote in the country's elections if they are eighteen years old and over. The problem with viewing the suffrage laws in this way is that by claiming that all other parties are illegal, they are in effect eliminating some voters. The two most commonly used tactics of the opposition parties are blank ballots and the boycott. Thus these opposition parties were effectively eliminated from the electoral process during our time period.
5.12 protection of civil rights
-3, AC9
This is an interesting example of a party discriminating against the opposition parties in the form of discrimination against a social group. The state of siege that was existing in Paraguay also included a loss of public jobs for those who were members of the opposition parties and a lack of freedom of expression and respect for life and property of the opposition. Thus, those who were members of the opposition parties were effectively shut off from many social and economic relationships that were open to Colorado party members.
5.13 interference with civil liberties
-1, AC8
In a discussion of freedom of the press in Paraguay, one is again struck with the immense difference in the theory and the practice of the president, Stroessner. During our time period there were periods when there was no outside communication with Paraguay, yet the dictator insisted that there was complete freedom of the press. If one defines freedom of the press in terms of freedom of the party press, then there was free expression in Paraguay. It is interesting that one of the most adamant and unanimous demands of the opposition in Paraguay was for freedom from press censorship.
5.14 / 5.15 us--soviet experts left-right ratings
US says 1, conservative
Soviets say 1, reflects the interests of latifundists, the komprador bourgeoisie, higher military officers, and the reactionary segment of the clergy.

Goal Orientation Variables, 6.01-6.55
 6.00 open competition in the electoral process
0, AC9
The Colorado party used repressive measures between 1950 and 1952 in order to retain their rule. It appears that in 1956 the army chose to disagree with party tactics and the perennial state of siege was lifted for a very short time, but was then reinforced before any change in the power structure could occur. In 1962 a splinter group of the Liberal Party, the Renovacion Party, was allowed by the government to oppose Stroessner for the presidency, but they did not quite have the advantages of the government candidate, and they complained a great deal about unfair campaign practices. The important thing to remember about the entrance of this party into the elections is that while the Colorado party allowed this to occur, this was not due to any change in their scheme of retaining power or in an effort to democratize their country, but rather was done in order to keep peace with other nations (especially OAS members) and to placate the demands for a democratic government from the U.S. This was obviously not a new desire on the part of the Colorado party at that time to allow for open competition, the actual opposition parties remained illegal.
6.10 restricting party competition
4, AC9
The Colorado party restricted party competition throughout the time period under study. When a party was allowed to compete (Renovacion Liberal), it was only able to compete under the auspices and by the rules of the Colorado party. It is interesting to note that during the time period under study none of the traditional opposition parties (Liberals and Febreristas) were allowed to participate in the elections.
6.20 subverting the political system
0, AC9
The Colorado party did not want to subvert the political process at this time because they were the political process. The only dissension and/or subversion by the Colorados would be directed at an opposing faction within the party.
6.30 propagandizing ideas and program
6.31--2, AC9.
The Colorado party appears to use the press frequently--even to the extent of repressing the use of the press for other parties. It appears that on occasion the Colorados also made radio broadcasts.
6.32--1, AC6.
There is an office of the Colorado party in every city for the sole purpose of political socialization of the people in that area. I would hesitate to label this a party school, but I feel that some acknowledgement should be expressed in this area because there is a structure for political socialization and thus an education in Colorado party ideals.
6.33&emdash;1, AC8.
It appears that on occasion the Colorado party (not as an organ of government nor as an organ of Stroessner) has passed resolutions. The one that is illustrated in the material is based on a difference that arose between the Colorado party and Stroessner in regard to the state of siege. This is probably due to the fact that there would be little recognition given to a Colorado party resolution (as distinct from a governmental resolution) unless it was about a disagreement.
6.34--2, AC9.
There are many examples of position papers published in this tine period. Their basic content is the principles of the Colorado party and they are also often used to slant public opinion from the opposition parties.
6.50 providing for welfare of party members
6.51--1, AC3.
A housing institute was founded for providing Paraguayans with shelter. I am not quite sure of the date that this occurred. Therefore I hesitate to give it a stronger adequacy confidence code.
6.5--AC1.
6.53--AC1.
6.54--1, AC3.
The Colorado party initiated a center for training in civil service. Again I am not quite sure of the date that this occurred. Therefore I hesitate to give it a stronger adequacy confidence code.
6.55&emdash;2, AC6.
There are many social activities planned for Colorado members (dances, barbecues, parades).

Autonomy Variables, 7.01-7.05
7.01 sources of funds
7. AC5
The monetary support for the Colorado party comes from the government workers and other civil servants in the form of a taxation or levy of salaries. Interestingly enough, there is no information about the possibility of monetary support from the military, although the army leaders are also Colorados. In other words, the military remains undefined in terms of a possible place in the bureaucracy of the government. And thus I cannot determine the true source of Colorado funds, other than their being from the government. This is really not clearly defined, in that the military, too, is the Government. Another great part of the Colorado funds comes from the annual contributions made by the membership.
7.02 source of members
5, AC9
It is said that membership in one of the two traditional parties in Paraguay (Colorados and Liberals) comes at birth. Apart from these ascriptive community ties, membership in both parties is direct rather than indirect.
7.03 sources of leaders
5, AC3
There is no information given on the origins of the Colorado parliamentary leaders beyond them being Colorados. For those who are in positions of leadership in Paraguay and the party, there is really little specific information. It seems that these leaders come from many institutional sectors, mainly from the army, business, and the educated.
7.04 relations with domestic parties
7, AC9
The Colorado party has made itself so autonomous in our time period that the other parties are illegal. The Colorado party during our time period involved itself in no alliances.
7.05 relations with foreign organizations
5. AC5
There is no mention of any international alliances or affiliations that the Colorado party nurtures. A few of the leaders were sympathizers with Peron when he was in power in the first half of our time period. But there is no evidence of any alliances with his party.

Organizational Complexity Variables, 8.01-8.07
8.01 structural articulation
4, AC5
Within the Colorado party there appear to be a few national organs. Generally the responsibilities of these organs are undefined. The selection process is one of informal co-optation, with a few influential leaders proposing a list of candidates to the more important organs which is then accepted intact. For the lesser national organs the selection process is indeterminate. This could very possibly be an underestimate of the number of organs as the material is very vague.
8.02 intensiveness of organization
4, AC6
Nichol's interpretation of the Paraguayan political scene relates the levels of organization to Duverger's definitions. The local units for the Colorado party are called seccionales and they can be considered 'branches.' their function is to look after the welfare of the party members (through patronage). One can define them as small branches.
8.03 extensiveness of organization
6, AC5
I would suppose that the seccionales would be found throughout the country, because of their function, and because the Colorados are the party in power.
8.04 frequency of local meetings
AC1
I would tend to believe that during our time period the seccionales met regularly. But I cannot tell exactly how regularly from the material. Thus any code would be a wild guess. I would also suppose that meetings vary in regularity from the urban areas to the countryside.
8.05 frequency of national meetings
AC1
There was no information given about the executive committee meetings.
8.06 maintaining records
10. AC6
This is the minimal adequacy confidence level code, for only one source spoke of the maintenance of membership lists, but many spoke of the party newspaper, Patria. The Colorados maintain formal enrollment lists and issue membership cards. There is no information about an archive for the party.
8.07 pervasiveness of organization
12, AC8
The labor organization in Paraguay was, during our time period, controlled by the Stroessner Colorado party. There are also youth groups that are based on allegiance to the Colorado party, and there has been an infiltration of the army (especially among the leaders) of pro-Stroessner Colorados. This control over the army is not total as the army retains strength of its own and in turn supports the party. It is a symbiotic relationship.

Organizational Power Variables, 9.01-9.08
9.01 nationalization of structure
6, AC3
The national directors of the party appear to be in a superior position to the local organizations, as their ability to pick the local leaders and to bestow patronage illustrates. There is no mention of any regional organizations, but this may be a fault of the sources, and may not be the actual system in the political hierarchy.
9.02 selecting the national leader
7, AC9
In viewing the Colorado party's method of selection of candidates for the national leader during our time period, it is important to distinguish between 'selection' and 'nomination.' A small group of officials of the stronger faction of the party 'select' a candidate who is then turned over to the convention for 'approval and nomination.' thus selection is an inner party power struggle, when there is a choice. Since Stroessner came into power, the Colorado party has unequivocally 'nominated' him (although they really had no choice in the matter).
9.03 selecting parliamentary candidates
9. AC8
Again this is a question of 'selection vs. nomination'--selection is a matter of officials who compose a list for recruitment of individuals for party leadership. These lists are brought to the national convention for approval. In the case where alternative lists are proposed at the national convention, the faction with the most power will have its list 'nominated.'
9.04 allocating funds
AC1
There is no information in the material on the allocation nor on collection of funds.
9.05 formulating policy
6 for 1950-56, AC5 7 for 1957-62, AC8 in the first half of our time period
While Stroessner was consolidating his power, the Colorado Party was the main policy maker, and thus it has the executive committee of the party which was making policy. After about 1959 when Stroessner reinstated the state of siege, it was he who was making the policy with the support of the army. This caused a lot of friction within the party and according to the Nichol's interpretation, even caused the formation of the Movimiento Popular Colorado (Mopoco) Faction.
9.06 controlling communications
7, AC3
Patria was a national newspaper, published to illustrate and circulate the Colorado stance on issues of national importance. It appears that the Colorado party also made great use of radio broadcasts on 'Radio Nacional del Paraguay.'
9.07 administering discipline
4, AC9
The purges and other disciplinary actions are meted out by those in power--either the directorate or Stroessner (implemented by the army).
9.08 leadership concentration
4 for 1st half, AC5 6 for 2nd half, AC9
Stroessner, with his army support, is the spokesman for the Colorado party. He has become more and more a strong-man since 1959, but this tendency was exhibited throughout our time period.

Coherence Variables, 10.01-10.06
10.01 legislative cohesion
AC1
During our time period, Paraguay was virtually a single-party state. The Colorados limited all political participation to their own party and all other parties were illegal. Although this information implies a cohesive party representation, no information was found to enable coding this variable with any degree of confidence.
10.02 ideological factionalism
0, AC9
During our time period there were no real factional disputes over ideological differences. Generally the factions in the Colorado party result from unsatisfied groups of persons who want a larger share of the spoils. The parties still retain this "caudillo" aspect as Hadley pointed out.
10.03 issue factionalism
5 for 1st half, AC5
4 for 2nd half. AC5
Both of the Colorado factions occurring during our time period, the Guion Rojo and the Movimiento Popular Colorado (Mopoco), were formed due to a different view of the issues. The Guion Rojo appears to be an old faction and thus counts as an important one, but lacks the formal organization that Mopoco had. Mopoco is a smaller faction basically composed of youth of the party. Both groups were more extremist than the group in power at the time.
10.04 leadership factionalism
5 for 1st half, AC5 4 for 2nd half, AC5
The formation of political parties in Paraguay began with a group of persons supporting a favored leader, and the formation of political factions in the Colorado party occurred in somewhat the same way. Many authors have pointed out that both the Guionistas and the Mopoco group rallied around a leader or group of leaders in order to regain power. A low adequacy confidence level is given to this code, because there is no place in the literature that gives any approximation as to the numbers in the factions.
10.05 strategic or tactical factionalism
5 for 1st half, AC5 4 for 2nd half, AC5
The Guionistas were a younger, more militant group of Colorados. This, interestingly enough, was also the case with the Mopoco. The Mopoco spoke out against the repressive tactics of the Stroessner regime, and even joined with the opposition parties in denouncing the regime's tactics. Again the low adequacy confidence code is due to insufficient data.
10.06 party purges
1 for 1st half. AC3
1 for 2nd half, AC3
It is not clear that the purges were anywhere near the percentages implied by this code, but it acknowledges the fact that in both of our time periods, there were purges of certain militant elements.

Involvement Variables, 11.01-11.06
11.01 membership requirements
3, AC6
The Colorado party requires formal enrollment and an annual contribution. Each person interested in joining the party must fill out an application which is then kept in a file.
11.02 membership participation
2, AC8
Party members depend upon the party organization for jobs, aid, and information. Thus it would appear that on occasion they would go to party meetings or participate in party activities, such as the parade of solidarity mentioned in a New York Times article. Or the many dances, barbecues, etc.
11.03 material incentives
3, AC5
Colorado militants all enjoy the material benefits of being members of the Colorado party. Perhaps this is not the only motivating force behind the Colorado militants, but it must have been substantial in a country where the only bureaucrats were members of the Colorado party and the chamber of deputies was all Colorado members.
11.04 purposive incentives
0, AC9
The Colorado party is a patronage party. Membership has spread through social interrelationships. The party platforms, which would be the reason for joining the party if purposive incentives were important, are manipulated by a small group of officials and are rarely cited by the members.
11.05 doctrinism
0. AC7
There are the declaration of principles and the program of the party. There is no evidence that the general membership refers to this body of literature at any great length. Rather, it is a product of the educated elite of the party.
11.06 personalism
0. AC5
The militants that would appear to be supporting a leader would most probably be supporting the power of the leader (or the possibility of that power), rather than any personalism or devotion because of the charismatic qualities of the leader.