Path: Table of Contents > Essay on Party Politics > Party 273
Luxembourg Democratic Party, 273
Variables and Codes for 1950-1962
For the concepts and variables below, use these links to Political Parties: A Cross-National Survey:
Governmental Status
Issue Orientation
Goal Orientation
Organizational Complexity
Organizational Power
Organizational Coherence
Membership Involvement
The "ac" code is for "adequacy-confidence"--a data quality measure ranging from 0 (low) to 9 (high)
Party Name and Code Number
Luxembourg Democratic or Liberal Party, 273
Demokratische Partei, 273

Institutionalization Variables
, 1.01-1.06
1.01 Year of Origin and 1.02 Name Changes
1934, AC5
5, AC6
Our consultant reports that the history of political liberalism in Luxembourg is complex. The party was originally the party of the industrial bourgeoisie and was in government until 1917. It lost much of its influence when general voting rights (for men and women over 21) were introduced in 1919. In the 1920'5, there were two liberal parties--the radical-Socialist party and the liberal party. They merged together at about 1934, which we take as the origin. In 1945, political liberalism was represented by the "Groupement Patriotique et Democratique," which made strong ties with the resistance movement. In 1954. The "Groupement Patriotique et Democratique' became the "Groupement Democratique.' In 1959, the name was again changed to Parti Democratique.
1.03 Organizational Discontinuity
0, AC3
No evidence was found to suggest that any splits have occurred within the party, however, more information could produce a result at great variance with this initial finding.
1.04 leadership competition
16, AC8
The sources agree that changes in party leadership have occurred frequently during our time period. Camille Linden was leader in 1959. Eugene Schaus appears to have held the post in 1953 and 1959, Lucien Dury served in 1960, and Gaston Thorn was leader in 1962. A lack of information prevents a more complete report of dates.
1.05 / 2.05 Legislative Instability and Strength
Instability is .21, AC9
Strength is .14 for 1950-56, AC9, and .10 for 1957-62, AC9
The liberal party representation fluctuated from a low of 12 percent of the seats to a high of 21 percent, which was achieved in the 1959 election.
1.06 / 2.06 Electoral Instability and Strength
Instability is .26, AC5
Strength is .11 for 1950-56, AC6, and .20 for 1957-62, AC5
The liberal party made its best showing in the election of 1959, in which it non 20 percent of the vote, far exceeding the 13 and 10 figures it non in 1951 and 1954 respectively.

Governmental Status Variables, 2.01-2.07
2.01 Government Discrimination
0, AC5
The government does not appear to discriminate against the party in any manner. Campaign criticisms are evident during periods of peak campaign activity, but no instances of favoritism or restriction were found. It would not be likely for the government to attempt such activity since the party could be a future coalition partner.
2.02 Governmental Leadership
0 out of 1 for 1950-56, AC6
0 out of 6 for 1957-62, AC6
The party never occupied the position of government leader during our time period.
2.03 Cabinet Participation
1 out of 1 for 1950-56, AC6
4 out of 6 for 1957-62, AC6
The Democratic party participated in the cabinet in 1950. 1959, 1960, 1961, and 1962.
2.04 national participation
5, AC6
Like the other parties of Luxembourg, the Democratic Party does not draw its support evenly over the country. It does proportionately better in the East and center than in the South and North.
2.07 Outside Origin
4, AC6
According to our interpretation of the founding of the liberal party, it was formed from two liberal parties--the radical-Socialist party and the liberal party--which had been in a governing coalition with the party of the right (now the CSV) from 1927 to 1934. Because parliamentary deputies were prominent in the merger from both sides, the party is scored as being formed by groups of legislators holding office.

Issue Orientation Variables, 5.01-5.15
5.01 Ownership of Means of Production
-5, AC6
There is no information in our literature file. But our consultant says that the party is strongly opposed to nationalization of basic industries.
5.02 Government Role in Economic Planning
-3, AC5
The party is opposed to state intervention and collectivist tendencies in one statement of policy, yet the party also believes that the trade union and vocational problems should be solved in cooperation with the government. The fact that the party also thinks the economy should grow in a certain healthy manner indicates that it night support some intervention if it was necessary.
5.03 Redistribution of Wealth
No information.
5.04 Social Welfare
1, AC6
One reference indicates that the party supports progressive labor legislation, but no more information exists to indicate whether or not this legislation should embody voluntary or compulsory programs, nor are the areas of coverage listed or explained. Our consultant, however, advises that the party favors voluntary over compulsory programs.
5.05 Secularization of Society
1, AC6
One source suggests that the party is mildly anti-clerical. The party is definitely a lay party, but like the Socialists it cannot emphasize this since the country is so predominantly Roman Catholic. The party also demands that politics and religion be separated.
5.06 Support of the Military
No information for our time period. In 1960, our consultant advises, it opposed most strongly the military policy of the CSV-Socialist government and voted for the abolition of compulsory military service.
5.07 Alignment with East-West blocs
-5, AC6
Like the CSV and the Socialist party, the party supports Luxembourg's presence in NATO. Thus, this code may be inferred in the absence of any contradictory statements.
5.08 Anti-colonialism
No information.
5.09 Supranational Integration
3, AC8
The party supports the idea of European integration by indicating its support for such organizations as Euratom and the common market. It also has expressed an interest in the idea of a European parliament. There is no indication that the party wishes to do away with national sovereignty.
5.10 National Integration
No information.
5.11 Electoral Participation
5, AC9
Voting is compulsory in Luxembourg.
5.12 Protection of Civil Rights
No information.
5.13 Interference with Civil Liberties
-3, AC3
The party believes that anyone should be able to fork an opinion and fight for it. However, the party does also believe that a teacher in school should not be able to propagandize for a party while on the job nor may a postman.
5.14 / 5.15 US-Soviet experts left-right ratings
US says 1, conservative Soviets say 2, a bourgeois liberal party. It unites, basically, representatives of the middle and petty bourgeoisie.

Goal Orientation Variables, 6.01-6.55
6.00 Open Competition in the Electoral Process
4, AC9
Because it is so often a minority party and an opposition party out of the government, the party is very vocal in criticizing the ruling coalitions' programs and practices. Frequent criticisms appear in the press, the party responds to some of them and to charges made against it.
6.10 Restricting Party Competition
0, AC9
There is no indication of any sort of restrictive activities carried on by the party. It engages in campaign activity with great fervor.
6.20 Subverting the Political System
0, AC9
No evidence exists in the file to suggest that the party would ever try to subvert the political system. The information in the two previous variables seems so strong that this possibility seems to be eliminated.
6.30 Propagandizing Ideas and Program
6.31- -2, AC9.
A newspaper is published and the party does use the press to clarify its positions.
6.32--0, AC5.
There is no evidence of party schools.
6.33--2, AC8.
At its meetings on the locals regional, and national levels, the organizations discuss problems, and resolutions and opinions are formed and sent to the other organizations.
6.34--1, AC3.
It is inferred that the party publishes position papers.
6.50 Providing for Welfare of Party Members
No information.

Autonomy Variables, 7.01-7.05
7.01 Sources of Funds
7, AC3
There is one oblique reference to the fact that the party collects dues, but there is no indication as to mow much of the party's income is generated in this way.
7.02 Source of Members
6 (sectors 03, 04), AC3
The party draws its support from the professions, the merchants and artisans, and the urban middle class in general. Further research could prove this terribly wrong, but no mention was found of membership requirements.
7.03 Sources of Leaders
1 (sector 3), AC5
Our literature file contains no information on the source of leaders, but our consultant says that leaders have nearly always been lawyers.
7.04 Relations with Domestic Parties
4 for 1 for 1950-56, AC9
5 for for 1957-62, AC9
The party does have governmental responsibilities when it is a member of the majority coalition, and when it is not it forms an alliance with the other opposition party to form the opposition to the ruling coalition.
7.05 Relations with Foreign Organizations
4, AC5
One source states that the Democratic Party was a member of the Liberal International in 1970. It is likely that the party belonged to this organization during our time period also.

Organizational Complexity Variables, 8.01-8.07
8.01 Structural Articulation
11, AC6
The party's constitution clearly specifies various national organs, such as the National Council, the Executive Committee, and the Executive Bureau, and their relation to each other. Frequently membership in one of the national organs is coincident kith membership in another national organ, although this is not necessarily the case. The duties of the various organs are also specified.
8.02 Intensiveness of Organization
5, AC5
The regional organization has the poker to decide when a local section may be created, and its decision is based on the population of the given area. For example, there are local sections in the suburbs of Luxembourg.
8.03 Extensiveness of Organization
6, AC3
The party has made efforts to establish local sections in all parts of the country and especially in places like the capital city.
8.04 Frequency of Local Meetings
4, AC6
The local assembly of the party, which is the large meeting for all party members, meets once p year in December. The local committee itself meets six times a year.
8.05 Frequency of National Meetings
5, AC6
The National Congress meets once a year though it may be called into emergency session by the Executive Committee. The inner committees of the party meet at least six times a year.
8.06 Maintaining Records
5, AC5
The party odes publish a newspaper and many articles exist which attack other party's positions while clarifying their own. Lists of candidates are also available, though no information exists about other possible lists.
8.07 Pervasiveness of Organization
6, AC6
The young democrats are a highly organized group considered important enough to be represented on all national committees as a matter of course.

Organizational Power Variables, 9.01-9.08
9.01 Nationalization of Structure
6, AC4
The party constitution clearly defines the nay in which the party is hierarchically arranged from the executive committee down and the various relationships between members and committees and other party organizations. In any case not covered by the party constitution, the executive committee has the decision making poker. Thus it mould seem that the executive committee has poker to dictate to local organs, though no indication was found as to whether or not this poker was used.
9.02 Selecting the National Leader
7, AC6
The president of the party is selected by a subgroup of the national executive committee which includes the 0 members elected by the National Congress, two members from each electoral district one of which must be the regional organization president, and the parliamentary members of the party.
9.03 Selecting Parliamentary Candidates
5, AC6
In those local sections which have a proportional electoral system, the local section submits candidacy suggestions to the regional organization which transmits its opinions to the executive committee which has the poker of definitive approval. In the case of communal elections where a majority electoral system is in effect, the regional organization has the poker of definitive approval. If more than one local section is in an electoral district, joint candidacy proposals are made to the regional committee.
9.04 Allocating Funds
No information.
9.05 Formulating Policy
5, AC8
The local and regional party organizations frequently discuss and formulate judgments on problems of national interest. However, the National Congress has the ultimate responsibility for formulating party policy, and this body is made up of representatives from local and regional organizations.
9.06 Controlling Communications
7, AC3
Control of the media is difficult to establish, but there does appear to be various areas of responsibility. The regional organizations publish lists of candidates as well as the meeting places for the various meetings. Subscription to the party newspaper. Which appears to be handled by the national organization, as obligatory for party members. Frequently, national leaders express their views in the press. Articles often criticize the other parties and their programs.
9.07 Administering Discipline
0, AC6
The local, regional, and national organizations may administer disciplinary actions toward party members, and the member may appeal to the national organization. A definite procedure is set up for administering discipline, but it appears that the action may be taken at any level.
9.08 Leadership Concentration
3, AC6
Effective leadership lies in the executive committee for which 12 is a quorum. It alone has the power to form coalitions, and it also adjudicates appeals and legislates on problems of national importance. A subgroup of this organization elects the president of the party.

Coherence Variables, 10.01-10.06
10.01 Legislative Cohesion
The party appears to be fairly united on most policy questions. It often publishes articles clarifying party policy, and its criticism of other parties often is published. However, the fact that lively debates occurred in some of the regional meetings indicates that the party is not 100 percent unified on all positions. Nonetheless, it is simply not possible to accurately assess parliamentary voting behavior.
10.02 Ideological Factionalism
1, AC5
Debate does occur on party ideology and every member of the party has access to the party secretariat to publicize his views. No indication exists that there are any sort of factions, though.
10.03 Issue Factionalism
1, AC5
Issues are also matters of concern in party discussions, and again as in ideological debates, the members of the party may make use of the facilities of the party secretariat to make known their views. Again no factions appear.
10.04 Leadership Factionalism
2, AC3
While only one legitimate leader is recognized, it is also recognized that effective leaders may also be present. This seems to be the case in the party's distinction between p rural and an urban leader of the party. This is probably a result of the proportional representation system.
10.05 Strategic or Tactical Factionalism
No information.
10.06 Party Purges
0, AC3
No purges here ever mentioned in the literature, although this may be due to a dearth of information.

Involvement Variables, 11.01-11.06
11.01 Membership Requirements
3, AC8
Dues payment is required of members and nonpayment of dues may be considered grounds for dismissal from the party, although this does not appear to be automatic.
11.02 Membership Participation
The existence of a category referred to as militant can be determined, but it is not possible to determine the relative amounts of the party which fall into the outlined categories.
11.03 Material Incentives
No information.
11.04 Purposive Incentives
No information.
11.05 Doctrinism
0, AC3
A digest of party positions does exist, though the number of times it is referred to cannot be determined. Along with a party paper, many articles appear in the press clarifying the party's position on particular subjects, and these may be referred to by the other parties though this is not common. Other than references to its own newspaper articles, no other body of literature can be identified.
11.06 Personalism
2, AC3
There was no mention of strong leaders with personal followings in the party, but our consultant feels that personalism was a very strong factor in the party. In the 19505, Eugene Schaus. As leader and president. Had a personal following. This was also true of his successor, Gaston Thorn, later the Prime Minister. Other leaders with strong following were Colette Flesch, mayor of Luxembourg in 1970, and Marcel Mart .