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Luxembourg Christian Social Union, 271
Variables and Codes for 1950-1962
For the concepts and variables below, use these links to Political Parties: A Cross-National Survey:
Governmental Status
Issue Orientation
Goal Orientation
Organizational Complexity
Organizational Power
Organizational Coherence
Membership Involvement
The "ac" code is for "adequacy-confidence"--a data quality measure ranging from 0 (low) to 9 (high)
Party Name and Code Number
Luxembourg Christian Social Union, 271
Chrestlech Sozial Vollekspartei, CSV

Institutionalization Variables
, 1.01-1.06
1.01 Year of Origin and 1.02 Name Changes
1914, AC5
2, AC5
The literature in our file is not clear about the origin of the CSV. Our consultant advises us that the party was formed in 1914 in opposition to the liberal Socialist coalition. The original name of the party was "party of the right," but its name was changed in 1944 to Christian Social Union, also commonly called the Social Christian Party.
1.03 Organizational Discontinuity
0, AC9
No evidence of discontinuity exists in the literature during the period from 1941 to 1962. The only split which is ever mentioned is the one which occurred in 1924. Even though no mention is specifically made of splits or mergers, it can be assumed that none occurred. Since coalition governments are continually being formed, a party split would be a detriment to the party since it could possibly lose sufficient electoral strength to get any representation. Mergers are unlikely because even though the parties are often ideologically similar enough, disagreement exists which makes mergers unlikely.
1.04 Leadership Competition
15, AC6
Although the CSV does have a party chairman, the real leader of the party is said to be the Prime Minister, who was always from the CSV during our tine period. Pierre Dupong served from 1936 to 1953, Joseph Bech from 1953 to 1956, Pierre Werner from 1956 to 1959. And Pierre Werner from 1959 through the end of our time period and into the 1970s. During this period, the Prime Minister was designated by the national committee.
1.05 / 2.05 Legislative Instability and Strength
Instability is .10, AC9
Strength is .45 for 1950-56 AC9, and .43 for 1957-62, AC9 during our period,
The Christian Socialists always held the largest share of the seats in the Chamber of Deputies, but the party never could claim a clear majority, falling just short in 1954 when it won exactly half of the seats.
1.06 / 2.06 Electoral Instability and Strength
Instability is .05, AC5
Strength is .43 for 1950-56, AC6, and .39 for 1957-62, AC5
In the elections of 1951, 1954, and 1959, the party's percentages of the vote declined from 45 to 42 to 39.

Governmental Status Variables, 2.01-2.07
2.01 Government Discrimination
0 for 1950-56, AC5 0 for 1957-67, AC5
No evidence at all exists to indicate that this party has ever been discriminated against. A substantial segment of the literature is devoted to the political fighting which goes on between parties, but no mention is made of the government ever trying to restrict the activities of this party. It would be difficult to do so since the CSV was always a member of the coalition government from 1950-62.
2.02 Governmental Leadership
7 out of 7 for 1950-56, AC9
6 out of 6 for 1957-62, AC9
These scores clearly reflect the dominance of the CSV as the major political party of Luxembourg during our period. Dupong was Prime Minister from 1949 to 1952, followed by Bech until 1957, by Frieden until 1959, and by Pierre Werner again through the end of our time period.
2.03 Cabinet Participation
7 out of 7 for 1950-56, AC9
6 out of 6 for 1957-62, AC9
Because the party has been able to remain the dominant party for so long. It not only has assured itself a substantial role in the government but because of its popular support has been able to acquire a substantial number of cabinet level ministers.
2.04 National Participation
5 for 1950-56, AC9
5 for 1957-62, AC9
According to an analysis of electoral statistics provided by the Luxembourg Office of General Statistics, the average deviation of voles from the population distribution was calculated. From this analysis it was possible to conclude that the CSV receives support nationwide though it does consistently better in the South and center than in the North and East,
2.07 Outside origin
4, AC6
The literature in our file goes not adequately discuss the origin of the CSV. Our consultant, however, states that the party originated among Catholic deputies who joined kith others outside parliament in opposition to the liberal/Socialist coalition. The primary issues here cultural (orientation of the school system) and economic (institutional and cooperative integration of the professions).

Issue Orientation Variables, 5.01-5.15
5.01 Ownership of Means of Production
-3, AC4
One reference mentioned that the party supported free enterprise, but the terms here unspecified.
5.02 Government Role in Economic Planning
-1, AC5
While the party opposes state intervention in the economy, it does favor the creation of additional places of employment where they are needed. It supports the idea of free enterprise but goes not appear to wish to withdraw the government from the activity it is presently pursuing.
5.03 Redistribution of Wealth
0, AC5
This code was chosen on the basis of several positions the party has taken. The party's basic conservative orientation mould not permit it to propose radical measures to redistribute wealth especially since the party often represents the interests of the "old' industries, primarily steel. However, at the same time, the party advocates such measures as higher rates of interest for small savers. Clearly a health redistribution device. The party is not adverse to the concept of private property, but does not feel that property should be the exclusive privilege of the monied classes.
5.04 Social Welfare
39, AC8
Continued reference is made to the party's support of progressive labor legislation and protection for various economic sectors. The party also supports payments to disabled veterans. No specific mention was made of whether the programs mould be voluntary or compulsory, but our consultant reports that compulsory programs were favored.
5.05 Secularization of Society
3, AC6
Being a Catholic party, the CSV has strong ties to the Church since the great majority of the people of Luxembourg are Roman Catholic. The party supports a proposed system of state aid to Church schools and does not wish to disrupt the present regulations which concern the Church. Unfortunately, no specific mention is made as to what these regulations are, though it can be inferred that they are somewhat favorable to the Church. Our consultant states that clergymen were appointed by the state, religious education was given in the schools in our period on an almost compulsory level, and the deficits of Church schools were covered by the state.
5.06 Support of the Military
1, AC3
While the party did not argue with the existing defense arrangements and while it did support sending troops to Korea, the party was also in favor of reducing the length of military service. Our consultant states that military service was abolished in 1968. It caused a cleavage in the CSV. 6 deputies of the CSV voting against the government, which was in favor of military service.
5.07 Alignment with East-West blocs
-5, AC9
The party supports the Western alliance and also supports NATO, as all the major parties of Luxembourg with the exception of the Communist Party.
5.08 Anti-Colonialism
No information.
5.09 Supranational Integration
3, AC9
The party has supported all the plans for European integration. Such as the Schumann plan and the European common market. The party also supports Euratom and has expressed interest in the European parliament. Even given the international outlook of the party, it still opposes the loss of national sovereignty in supranational groups.
5.10 National Integration
1, AC6
The party once went on record as favoring the strengthening of community autonomy. Whether or not the party Actually pursued this is subject to question, since the Democratic Party has claimed that the CSV has done nothing to Accomplish this goal.
5.11 Electoral Participation
5, AC9
Voting is compulsory in Luxembourg.
5.12 Protection of Civil Rights
No particularly relevant information was found to ascertain what the party's position might be with respect to this variable.
5.13 Interference with Civil Liberties
-2, AC5
The CSV supported the "Service de Renseignements," an intelligence service which made secret reports on "people menacing national security.' this "Service de Renseignements' is subordinated to the Prime Minister and theoretically controlled by a parliamentary committee.
5.14 / 5.15 US-Soviet Experts Left-Right Ratings
US says 2, center
Soviets say 1, represents the interests of the upper monopolistic bourgeoisie, landowners. And the Catholic clergy. Advocates the strengthening of the capitalistic structure.

Goal Orientation Variables, 6.01-6.55
6.00 Open Competition in the Electoral Process
4, AC9
No evidence seems to exist to contradict the code assigned. However, the elections of Luxembourg seem to be hotly contested and this results in numerous Accusations and counteraccusations. While an objective source was next to impossible to obtain, several Accusations were made against the CSV claiming that they had engaged in "dirty politics" (lying. Misrepresentation, etc).
6.10 Restricting Party Competition
0, AC9
The party does not appear to restrict competition in the electoral process.
6.20 Subverting the Political System
0, AC9
Rather than subvert the political process, the CSV participates in the selection process with apparent enthusiasm. However, as mentioned above for variable 6.00, sometimes it appears that the enthusiasm gets a bit out of hand.
6.30 Propagandizing Ideas and program
6.31--0, AC6.
The "Luxemberger Wort' is sometimes called the party newspaper, but our consultant says that the paper belongs to the Catholic diocese, but in its own terms it is a "Presse Amie" (friendly press). The CSV has been editing its own weekly paper since October 1974 as a supplement to the "Luxemberger Wort."
6.32--0, AC3. There is no evidence of party schools.
6.33--2, AC6. Position papers and platforms are evident.
6.34--1. AC3. References are frequent to the CSV election manifesto. Position papers and platforms are also evident.
6.50 providing for welfare of party members
No information.

Autonomy Variables, 7.01-7.05
7.01 Sources of Funds
While it is not possible to identify the source of funds for the CSV because of a lack of information, the information does indicate that the CSV has widely based support among farmers, Catholic labor circles, and various conservative groups.
7.02 source of members
5, AC5
The fact that the CSV has such wide popular support and the dearth of data lead one to suspect that no membership requirements exist. However, our consultant reports that the CSV has 7,000 members.
7.03 sources of leaders
No basis exists for adequately assigning a code to this variable.
7.04 Relations with Domestic Parties
4, AC9
The CSV has been the dominant partner in coalition governments throughout the entire period 1950-62. The party must cooperate with one of the other parties since it has never been able to acquire a decisive majority in an election. The spirited nature of the elections do not seem to permit any other type of cooperation outside that necessary to run the government.
7.05 Relations with Foreign Organizations
4, AC5
It appears that the party belonged to the Nouvelles Equipes International, nei, which was renamed the European Union of Christian Democrats, UEDC. Certainly representatives of the party were in attendance at the Fifth World Conference of Christian Democrats in Peru in 1966.

Organizational Complexity Variables, 8.01-8.07
8.01 Structural Articulation
6, AC4
The literature does not describe the party organization at any length. Our consultant reports that the 1972 statutes mention three national organs--a national congress, a national committee, and a national executive committee. It is not known what selection procedures are involved in choosing members of these organs nor the specific functions of each body.
8.02 Intensiveness of Organization
4, AC5
The 1972 statutes provide for "sections' to be organized on a municipality basis, with more than one section being created in larger municipalities.
8.03 Extensiveness of Organization
6, AC6
There are four electoral districts in Luxembourg. And the CSV seems to be organized in each of these districts.
8.04 Frequency of Local Meetings
No information.
8.05 Frequency of National Meetings
5, AC5
According to the 1972 statutes. The National Committee meets every two months. We infer that this schedule held for our time period also.
8.06 Maintaining Records
1, AC3
The party does publish election manifestos. It may have even more extensive record maintenance procedures. But only further research can determine this.
8.07 Pervasiveness of Organization
8, AC5
The party seems to have strong ties with the agricultural sector through the peasant central. A farmer's organization which ordered its members to vote for the CSV in the 1959 election. The order was not complied with by all the members, resulting in a loss of votes for the CSV. The CSV is also reputed by one source to have strong ties with the trade union movement and was accused of trying to steer the expansion of the trade union movement to the direct use of the party. The youth of the party also seemed to be organized in some manner. Although this was indeterminate.

Organizational Power Variables, 9.01-9.08
9.01 Nationalization of Structure
5, AC5
The information in our literature file does not discuss the interrelationships among the party organizations. But our consultant reports that the 1972 party statutes mention the existence of regional congresses and committees for each of the four electoral districts in Luxembourg.
9.02 Selecting the National Leader
6, AC6
The chairman of the party is elected by the National Congress. The Prime Minister, however, is the real leader of the party, and he is selected by the National Committee, which includes parliamentary representatives.
9.03 Selecting Parliamentary Candidates
5, AC6
Our consultant states that the districts propose lists of candidates which must be approved by the national committee.
9.04 Allocating Funds
No information.
9.05 Formulating Policy
3, AC3
The only mention of policy formation was in the case of the congress of stresa which set forth the agricultural policy of the party. No evidence was found of how this policy statement was effected by other party organizations.
9.06 Controlling Communications
No information.
9.07 Administering Discipline
4, AC5
While our information file does not discuss this matter, our consultant advises that there is a council of discipline (five members selected by the national committee) which can take action in cases of party members affiliating with other political organizations, criticizing the party's policies in the press, and so on.
9.08 Leadership Concentration
No information.

Coherence Variables, 10.01-10.06
10.01 Legislative Cohesion
.90, AC3
No quantitative data at all was available to assign a code, but the existence of a strong party discipline (which was crossed in at least one instance) and the need to maintain a unified front to assure as great a legislative success as possible would seem to allow the above code to be assigned.
10.02 Ideological Factionalism
1, AC3
Ideological concerns did occasionally appear to be debated, but there did not appear to be factional tendencies in the party. Our consultant reported that factions appeared after our time period, when the CSV went into the opposition.
10.03 Issue Factionalism
1, AC5
Frequent newspaper debates were carried on with writers of the other parties, and occasionally statements were issued to clarify party policy. Even though this public discussion took place, there did not appear to be sufficient differences between members to form factions.
10.04 Leadership Factionalism
No information.
10.05 Strategic or Tactical Factionalism
No information.
10.86 Party Purges
8, AC9
No evidence of any purges was found.

Involvement Variables, 11.01-11.06
11.01 Membership Requirements
2, AC5
Our consultant advises that the CSV has a dues paying requirement. It is not clear if the members are also registered.
11.02 Membership Participation
No information was available to determine the average involvement of the average party member. The literature did go so far as to mention the existence of a group of party militants, but no indication of its size was given.
11.03 Material Incentives
The relationship of militants to motivation for material rewards cannot be determined. However, the Democratic Party charges that the nomination process in the party is not an open activity since sons and nephews of party leaders are frequently involved in a disproportionate way.
11.04 Purposive Incentives
No information.
11.05 Doctrinism
1, AC4
The party does nave a strong press which produces information that contains party doctrine. However, it is not certain how often the literature is referred to 8y the party. Other parties refer quite frequently to one writer (whose initials are M.F.) when they criticize the party beliefs. Our consultant says that the editorials of the Luxemberger Wort were guidelines for the party members. But they did not express a doctrine. The doctrine was officially to be found in the encyclicals of the Catholic Church.
11.06 Personalism
No information.