The "ac" code is for "adequacy-confidence"--a
data
quality measure ranging from 0 (low) to 9
(high)
Institutionalization Variables,
1.01-1.06
1.01 year of origin and 1.02 name
changes
1894, AC7
2, AC7
Most authors agree that the Dutch Labor
Party is a direct descendant of the Social Democratic Workers
Party, which split from the Social-Democratic League in 1894 after
the league resolved not to participate in elections. This party
grew in strength and continued until World War Two disrupted Dutch
politics. In 1946, the new Dutch Labor Party was formed from a
merger of leaders and members of the pre-war Social Democratic
Workers Party, the Vrijzinnig Democratische Bond (a pre-war
liberal party), a group of Catholics who had published an illegal
periodical ("Christofoor") during the Nazi occupation, and the
Christian-Democratic Union. Because a majority of the activists in
this new party were identified as coming from the Social
Democratic Workers Party, the Dutch Labor Party is considered to
be the continuation of that party with a name change.
1.03 organizational
discontinuity
10, AC8
This party experienced a major merger in
1946 upon its reconstitution as the Dutch Labor Party (see
variable 1.02 above). Also, a minor split occurred in 1947 when
some dissidents were led out of the party by Dr. Oud, and another
minor one occurred in 1957 when some dissidents split off into the
Pacifist Socialist Party.
1.04 leadership competition
16, AC7
Party leadership is generally attributed to
the chairman of the executive committee. This position has changed
hands twice since 1950, and each time the party congress has voted
in a new chairman. In 1955 Evert Vermeer replaced retiring Koos
Vorrink, and in 1961 J.G. Suurhoff was elected to the position
vacated by Vermeer's death.
1.05 legislative instability
Instability is .06, AC9
During our time period, the Labor Party
always held from 27 to 33 percent of the legislative
seats.
1.06 electoral instability
Instability is .05, AC9
Elections were held in 1952, 1956, and
1959, with the Labor Party receiving from 29 to 33 percent of the
vote in each.
Governmental Status Variables,
2.01-2.07
2.01 government discrimination
0 for 1950-56, AC8
0 for 1957-62, AC8
There is no information that would suggest
government discrimination either for or against the Labor Party.
Our consultant confirms that there was no
discrimination.
2.02 governmental leadership
7 out of 7 for 1950-56, AC9
2 out of 6 for 1957-62, AC9
A Labor Party representative, Dr. Willem
Drees, was the head of various cabinet coalitions during the years
between 1947 and 1959. In December, 1958, the Labor Party,
including Drees, was excluded in the formation of a new cabinet
coalition. This exclusion continued through the remainder of our
time period.
2.03 cabinet participation
7 out of 7 for 1950-56, AC9
2 out of 6 for 1957-62, AC9
The Labor Party participated in all
government coalitions before 1959, thereafter remaining in
opposition through 1962.
2.04 national participation
5 for 1950-56, AC6
5 for 1957-62, AC6
Based on a 1956 survey (sample size was
1234), the Labor Party's average deviation of votes from the
population distribution is 8.25. The party is national in
character, but draws support more strongly in urban areas and
among the non-religious than in rural regions or the catholic
south.
2.05 legislative strength
Strength is .30 for 1950-56, AC9, and .32
for 1957-62 , AC9
During our time period, the Labor Party
always held from 27 to 33 percent of the legislative
seats.
2.06 electoral strength
Strength is .31 for 1950-56, AC9, and .30
for 1957-62 , AC9
Elections were held in 1952, 1956, and
1959, with the Labor Party receiving from 29 to 33 percent of the
vote in each.
2.07 outside origin
8, AC8
The founders of the Social Democratic
Workers Party, the predecessor to the Dutch Labor Party, bolted
from the Social Democratic League over the anarchist course of the
league, as manifested by its resolution in 1893 to avoid
participation in elections--even for purposes of agitation. These
dissidents preferred a strategy of working within parliamentary
democracy and formed the Social Democratic Workers Party for this
purpose in 1894. In the same year, the Social Democratic League
was declared illegal but continued as the League of Socialists.
Because the founders of the Social Democratic Workers Party sought
to dissociate themselves from the Social Democratic League, they
are regarded as leaders of a major legal social organization in
scoring this variable.
Issue Orientation Variables, 5.01-5.15
5.01 ownership of means of
production
2, AC7
The Labor Party favors nationalization of
some industries but not all. However, while the party was in power
little nationalization occurred, and the party seemed to favor
controls and regulation in its actions.
5.02 government role in economic
planning
2, AC7
The Labor Party favors an active government
role in developing the economy, such as restricting capital
movements, but in practice basically relied upon encouragement of
productive activities through exhortation and alteration of the
economic environment.
5.03 redistribution of wealth
3, AC7
The Labor Party proposes to redistribute
wealth over time through large taxes on personal property and
inheritance as well as increasing wages for workers with a
graduated income tax. The party wishes to redistribute property
ownership, tax capital gains, and increase pension
benefits.
5.04 social welfare
5, AC5
The Labor Party favors socialized medical
care, insurance, and welfare to unemployed and unemployable. No
mention is made whether these programs are to be compulsory or
voluntary, but the nature of these programs seem to indicate that
they would be compulsory.
5.05 secularization of society
3, AC7
The Labor Party is opposed to a political
system based on denominational parties, but is not against
religion, per se. The party believes that all schools, including
parochial schools, should be financed by the
government.
5.06 support of the military
5 for 1st half, AC6 -
1 for 2nd half, AC6
In the early 1950's the Labor Party favored
military conscription and a large increase in armed forces
allocation in order to participate in the NATO alliance. Later the
party favored a reduction in military spending on the grounds that
the Netherlands was allocating more than its share as compared
with other NATO members.
5.07 alignment with east-west
blocs
5, AC9
The Labor Party strongly supported active
membership in the NATO alliance, and was very anti-communist and
especially anti-U.S.S.R.
5.08 anti-colonialism
0, AC8
The Labor Party's major concern regarding
colonialism was the status of Dutch New Guinea. The party was
generally in favor of granting independence , but no clear policy
was apparent on how this was to be accomplished. During our time
period, the party changed its views several times, wavering
between several solutions including immediate independence, Dutch
control for a time, and United Nations trusteeship. The party
strongly opposed the stationing of troops in the area.
5.09 supranational integration
4, AC5
The Labor Party supports any attempt to
integrate Western Europe politically, economically, or militarily.
Since the party has proposed the creation of a powerful European
parliament representing every nation joining, it seems probable
that the party favors partial relinquishment of national
sovereignty.
5.10 national integration
1, AC6
The PVDA (Labor Party) supports the current
division of authority present in the Netherlands, where the
national government is supreme and dominant and the local
authorities handle daily administrative tasks.
5.11 electoral participation
5, AC6
The PVDA has always been a leader in
supporting universal adult suffrage. The party has proposed to
lower the minimum voting age to 18 from the traditional
23.
5.12 protection of civil rights
5, AC6
The PVDA is strongly in favor of abolishing
discrimination which is most evident in the more homogeneous
religious regions. The party favors legal and constitutional
guarantees.
5.13 interference with civil
liberties
5, AC6
The PVDA advocates freedom of expression,
and no mention is made regarding moral censorship. Radio,
television, and the press are basically "party media" and
political censorship is unknown.
5.14 / 5.15 us--soviet experts left-right
ratings
US says 3, non-communist left
Soviets say 2, it is a reformist party
formed by merging of part of the social democratic worker's party
and bourgeois clerical groups. Its 1959 party program proclaims as
its goal "democratic socialism" along with the safeguarding of
private property in the means of production.
Goal Orientation Variables, 6.01-6.55
6.00 open competition in the electoral
process
4, AC9
The PVDA relies on open competition in the
electoral process and participated in every election since the
war.
6.10 restricting party
competition
0, AC8
The PVDA wishes to restrict competition in
so far as they would like to see denominational parties abolished.
However, the party has relied only upon open competition to
achieve this goal, and the party has no objections to the
formation of new, non denominational parties if this goal is
reached.
6.20 subverting the political
system
0, AC8
Since the PVDA has enjoyed the many
successes it has had within the political system and has
participated in most government coalitions, the party does not
wish to subvert the political process. In fact, the party was
originally formed as a non-anarchist socialist party with the
explicit desire to work within the system.
6.30 propagandizing ideas and
program
6.31--2, AC9. The PVDA has a party
newspaper and there is a socialist radio and TV association, which
is formally independent of the party.
6.32--2, AC8. The research institute
provides the PVDA with political education and
propaganda.
6.33--2, AC9. Party resolutions and
platforms passed quite often, especially when congress
meets.
6.34--2, AC9. Position papers are published
very often, especially in the party newspaper. Such papers may
reflect the position of the party or of individuals in the
party.
6.50 providing for welfare of party
members
6.51, 6.52, 6.53, and 6.54--AC1. There is
no information suggesting that the PVDA provides food, clothing,
shelter, employment services, basic education, or intercedes with
the government on behalf of a citizen.
6.55--2, AC9. The PVDA provides a
recreational service through entertainment shows broadcast over
the socialist radio and TV association.
Autonomy Variables, 7.01-7.05
7.01 sources of funds
7, AC8
The PVDA apparently relies upon membership
dues for the bulk of its funds, but may receive donations from the
party affiliated trade union.
7.02 source of members
5 (sector 01), AC9
Membership in the PVDA is entirely direct.
Many of the party's members come from the socialist trade union
federation, the largest in the nation, but membership in the union
is not automatic membership in the PVDA .
7.03 sources of leaders
2 (sectors 01, 03), AC6
Most of the leaders in the PVDA apparently
have either a labor or educational background.
7.04 relations with domestic
parties
4 for 1st half, AC9
5 for 2nd half, AC9
Before 1959 the PVDA participated with
various parties, especially with the KVP, in cabinet coalitions
and as a consequence formed parliamentary alliances in support of
the government coalition with these parties. From 1959 to 1962 the
PVDA was excluded from cabinet coalitions, and often voted with
other opposition parties (often the communists) against the
government.
7.05 relations with foreign
organizations
3, AC8
The Labor Party is a member of the
Socialist International, but the party's independence is not
hampered by this affiliation. The Socialist International is a
very weak organization and cannot pass a resolution which would
bind its members unless the resolution is passed
unanimously.
Organizational Complexity Variables,
8.01-8.07
8.01 structural articulation
11, AC9
There exist many national organs within the
PVDA, each of which has relatively clear and unambiguous
responsibilities of a specific kind. Selection procedures are well
defined and usually the responsibility of a different organ than
that whose membership is being chosen.
8.02 intensiveness of
organization
4, AC8
The congress of the PVDA is attended by six
to eight hundred local party organizations. Therefore, on the
average, a local party represents 15,700 people, or about 8,000
voters. It is very probable that the party is organized down to
the ward basis with over 1000 voters per ward, and certainly less
than 50,000 voters per ward.
8.03 extensiveness of
organization
6, AC3
The PVDA seems to have some intensive
organization in every section of the nation, although in some
areas membership is rather small.
8.04 frequency of local
meetings
6, AC6
There is little information pertaining to
frequency of local organizational meetings, but one source
indicates that such meetings are held quite regularly and very
often.
8.05 frequency of national
meetings
3, AC8
The council of the PVDA meets twice yearly,
occasionally more, and the executive committee meets two or three
times during a year.
8.06 maintaining records
16, AC8
The PVDA publishes its program and
propaganda through the party newspaper, "Het Vrije Volk." The
party is affiliated with the research institute and therefore has
at its disposal a research division. Since party members pay dues
and membership changes are constantly available, it can be
inferred that lists are available.
8.07 pervasiveness of
organization
18, AC7
Many socioeconomic sectors have been
penetrated by ancillary organizations of the PVDA. The largest
trade union in the Netherlands is affiliated with the party, and
since 70 percent of the union's membership vote for the Labor
Party, party control is fairly high. The PVDA has also penetrated
the youth and women's sectors as well as the two largest religious
blocks with their own organizations.
Organizational Power Variables, 9.01-9.08
9.01 nationalization of
structure
5, AC8
The national party organs of the PVDA are
superior to the regional and local organs, and some kind of a
hierarchy is discernible. The parliamentary organization is
formally subordinate to the executive committee, council, and
congress in the party's structure.
9.02 selecting the national
leader
6, AC6
The chairmanship of the executive committee
is chosen by vote of the congress. However, there is evidence that
would suggest that the candidate chosen is nominated by the
executive committee and the vote in congress is merely a
ratification of this nominee. Note that in 1961 Suurhoff was
elected unanimously by the congress.
9.03 selecting parliamentary
candidates
5, AC6
Each district proposes a candidate list to
the national party council and executive committee. These national
bodies may alter the lists and have final decision on a list's
composition.
9.04 allocating funds
AC1.
No information.
9.05 formulating policy
5, AC7
Any individual or organization within the
party may submit policy positions to the party congress where each
position is voted upon. Those positions which are adopted by the
congress are official party policy. Since the executive
committee's proposals are usually passed, it has more power in
forming policy.
9.06 controlling communications
7, AC9
The PVDA owns and operates its own
newspaper, "Het Vrije Volk." The newspaper reached a large
constituency comparable to any competing media.
9.07 administering discipline
0, AC6
The PVDA allows its parliamentary
representatives to vote as they wish on legislative bills, to the
extent that they are not continually disloyal to party principles.
If a representative is found to be disloyal, he may be threatened
with exclusion from candidacy in the next election.
9.08 leadership concentration
2, AC7
Several leaders within the PVDA
occasionally speak in behalf of the party, but they are not
considered to be binding spokesmen by themselves. Pronouncements
are made by the chairman of the executive committee, the
secretary, the leader of the parliamentary group, and by Willem
Drees, a leader in government coalitions.
Coherence Variables, 10.01-10.06
10.01 legislative cohesion
.90, AC5
The parliamentary group of the PVDA seems
to vote as a fairly solid block. On two controversial votes, the
group experienced only one member voting against the block. Since
legislators are allowed to vote their conscience and since the
group allows debate within the group before final decisions
concerning official orientation towards the vote, cohesion is
probably strong but not rigid.
10.02 ideological factionalism
4, AC5
Ideology is subject to debate within the
PVDA, and ideological factions do exist in the religious working
groups recognized by the party constitution. In 1954, the
protestant working group numbered some 4,500 members and the
catholic around 800 members. Our consultant also advises that a
group of Marxists formed the social-democratic center and claimed
status as a working group within the party.
10.03 issue factionalism
6, AC8
Two large factions were created within the
party over the New Guinea issue, and other foreign policy issues
had a divisive effect. A small number of socialists split with the
party and helped form the Pacifist Socialist Party over NATO and
armaments.
10.04 leadership factionalism
2, AC3
Factions within the PVDA do not seem to be
motivated by any charismatic leaders, although a small number of
these leaders do exist. Sam de Wolff, leader of the social
democratic center, was identified as such a leader by one of our
consultants.
10.05 strategic or tactical
factionalism
0, AC3
There do not seem to be any factions within
the PVDA concerning tactical or strategic methods or
goals.
10.06 party purges
0 for 1st half, AC5
0 for 2nd half, AC5
There is no mention of any involuntary
departures from the PVDA.
Involvement Variables, 11.01-11.06
11.01 membership requirements
3, AC6
Evidence exists which suggests that all
members of the PVDA must register and pay dues. Since most of the
party's funds come from membership dues and since membership lists
are likely, it is most probable that these two requirements are
necessary.
11.02 membership participation
2, AC5
There is little information available
concerning membership participation, but from what little there is
it seems that most members attend local party meetings and do some
occasional work for the party, such as canvassing the voters
during election years.
11.03 material incentives
0, AC3
The information in our file does not
suggest that material incentives were important in motivating
militant behavior.
11.04 purposive incentives
2, AC3
Since the PVDA has strong ideological
appeal to labor and some intellectuals, it is probable that a
large number of party militants are motivated by purposive
incentive.
11.05 doctrinism
1, AC5
The information in our file implies that
the only body of literature considered to embody party doctrine is
the body of principles upon which the party was reorganized after
World War Two. These principles are not referred to often, but
when a party program is passed, this is the justification
occasionally used. One of our consultants suggests that the Dutch
literature, which we do not have, discusses pre-war sources of
party principles.
11.06 personalism
0, AC3
Since the PVDA has placed the name of
Willem Drees on the top of all candidate lists, some personalism
is evident. However, personalism is considered to be a rare
motivating force behind militants in the Netherlands.