Variables and Coding Comments on Individual Parties
$$Party Name and Code Number
British Labour Party, 011
$$Information Base and Researchers
The United Kingdom did not appear in the random sample of 50 countries that was drawn for study in the ICPP project. Therefore, no special information base was created on microfilm for British party politics. The British Labour Party has been included in our study on the basis of the codes and comments prepared by David Prysor-Jones, who employed conventional library research methods. His codes were compared with those produced earlier in a more impressionistic fashion by Kenneth Janda in consultation with Val Herman and David Robertson.
The coefficient of reliability between the two sets of codes for the Labour Party on 72 variables was .93.
$$1.01 year of origin and 1.02 name changes
The generally accepted year for the origin of the Labour Party is 1900, when the Trades Union Congress was persuaded to create a Labour Representation Committee (LRC). This resulted in the foundation of the Parliamentary Labour Party (PLP). There were no name changes in this period.
$$1.03 Organizational Discontinuity
There was no organizational discontinuity in this period.
$$1.04 Leadership Competition
Clement Attlee assumed the post, in 1935 and remained in office until 1955, when he resigned and was replaced by Hugh Gaitskill, who remained leader throughout our time period until his death in 1963. Gaitskill was succeeded by Harold Wilson. The party leader and the deputy leader are elected by the PLP. Provision for the annual re-election of the leader became largely a formality.
Deputy leaders during our period were Morrison 1950-55, Griffith 1955-1959, and Brown 1959 1962.
$$1.05 / 2.05 Legislative Instability and Strength
Instability was .05, ac9
Strength was .47 for 1950-1956, ac9 and .42 for 1957-62, ac9
Labour strength in the House of Commons dropped steadily from a high of 50 percent in 1950 to 41 percent in 1962.
$$1.06 / 2.06 Electoral Instability and Strength
Instability is .03, ac9
Strength is .47 for 1950-1956, ac9 and .44 for 1957-1962, ac9
The Labour Party's share of the popular vote fluctuated between 44 and 49 percent in the general elections of 1950, 1951, 1955, and 1959. Labour's vote declined during our period from its high in 1951 to its low in 1959.
$$2.01 Government Discrimination
There is no evidence of discrimination against the party in this period. The party was denied office in 1951 despite winning a plurality of the popular vote on account of the system of direct rather than proportional representation.
$$2.02 Governmental Leadership
2 out of 7 for 1950-1956, ac9 and 0 out of 6 for 1957-62, ac9
The party led the government for less than two years, January 1950 to October 1951, of the period and won only one of the four elections. Elections took place on average once every 3.25 years in the period, compared with once every 3.7 years for the whole period 1918-1970. The maximum statutory life of a government is five years.
$$2.03 Cabinet Participation
2 out of 7 for 1950-1956, ac9 and 0 out of 6 for 1957-1962, ac9
Labour ministers monopolized cabinet seats during their party's administration and were completely excluded from them when in opposition.
$$2.04 National Participation
Party support was spread universally if not evenly across Great Britain. The chief regions of Labour predominance were Wales (particularly the industrial south), north-east England, the west riding of Yorkshire, inner London and Clydeside. The regional basis of Labour support is partly the result of occupational residence, since the Labour Party of manual workers organised in trade unions. Based on 1959 survey data, the average duration of Labour support from the population distribution in five main regions was only 2 percentage points.
$$2.07 Outside Origin
The party was formed by the Trades Union Congress and the Independent Labour Party, a major and minor legal social organisation, respectively.
$$5.01 Ownership of Means of Production
In the election of 1945, the victorious Labour Party campaigned on a program of nationalization, which was carried out, to various degrees, in the coal industry, electricity, gas, railways, road transport, steel, and banking. Pledged to extend the scope of nationalisation in 1950, the Labour government in fact failed to act and even dropped plans to nationalise the sugar and cement industries. Pledges to renationalise the steel industry were constant after the Conservatives denationalized them in 1951, but plans to extend the system to broad areas of the economy from water supply to machine tools were eventually shelved in favor of vague promises to take over "concerns that fail the nation." Despite an occasional voice demanding the abolition of capitalism, the party was by 1959 quick to destroy rumours that it intended to take over the 600 larger firms, insisting that its plans were regulatory only. The party set increasing store upon "enterprise," even in private hands and towards the end of the period was urging that the community be allowed to profit from the fruits of capitalism "by the purchase of shares of public investment agencies" for revenue. Nationalisation, however, was increasingly a dead issue electorally and this partially accounts for decreasing loyalty to the principle. However, all attempts to drop the ideal of public ownership from the party's program in 1959 were defeated.
$$5.02 Government Role in Economic Planning
In theory, the Labour Party favored the centralisation of all economic decision-making and the extension of governmental regulation, if not outright ownership, to all sectors of the economy. In practice, however, the party eschewed total planning and implemented a limited and piecemeal programme. Fixed prices for agriculture and the nationalised industries were balanced by
verbal exhortations to the larger private companies to plan their operations with the national interest in mind. Control over purchasing power was exercised by primitive (and continually applied) Keynesian techniques that left the economic initiative with market forces. Although the party realised by 1950 that it could not rely on the voluntary cooperation of the trades unions in wage restraint, it showed no signs of urging statutory controls in this period. The difficulties of managing a state sector in a mixed economy, as well as partial ideological commitment to the ideal of public ownership on the part of both the party and its supportive trades unions, caused a retreat from the attempt to broaden control.
$$5.03 Redistribution of Wealth
The Labour Party was committed to a considerable redistribution of wealth in favor of the labouring classes. The system of taxation, especially upon unearned incomes, was to be used to redistribute wealth as well as to boost economic growth, although outright confiscation was rejected. During the party's period in office dividends were frozen and large incomes particularly penalised, when in opposition proposals were advanced for capital gains, profits and corporation taxes, as well as pledges to investigate tax avoidance by individuals and companies. Towards the end of the period, however, attention seemed to shift further towards the social and away from the purely economic bases of privilege. Differentials in reward that sprang from "effort, skill and creative energy" rather than inheritance were seen as inevitable and just and wealth taxes as such fared badly at party conferences.
$$5.04 Social Welfare
The Labour Party was absolutely in favor of universal social welfare by compulsory public assistance. The comprehensiveness and generosity of assistance were to be increased and the system centralised and nationalised. The private sector was tolerated, but expected to disappear of its own accord in due time. The extension of the system of social welfare to the population as a whole was to serve social as well as material ends and went hand in hand with the abolition of means tests, educational selectivity and other displeasing aspects of class differentiation. Increases in family allowances and old age pensions to aid the least priviliged sectors of the population became a constant feature of the party's programme.
$$5.05 Secularization of Society
Despite its associations with socialism, the Labour Party could in no way be construed an enemy of religion, and indeed many early leaders of the party were Evangelical Christians. Since religion represented no real political issues in this period, religious instruction in the schools and the established church were both accepted. Religious affiliation continued to be an expected peripheral characteristic of political leaders so that Labour leaders were usually church-goers. Labour support was strong among religious dissenters but no scheme for state aid to denominational schools was proposed.
$$5.06 Support of the Military
3 for 1950-1956, ac9 and 2 for 1957-1962, ac7
The Labour Party supported the Armed Forces during this period but party loyalty to the principle of military preparedness wavered towards the latter half of the time span. Leading the rearmament of the country after Korea, the party continued when in opposition to support this policy and indeed urged the development of conventional forces to supplement nuclear power and thus allow "terrible response." Party attitudes to conscription as a "badge" of shame meant growing agitation for its abolition after 1955. On the other hand, the prospect of nuclear war, as well as lingering doubts about the effectiveness of force, created a certain confusion in the party's policy after 1954. With the Orthodox Bevanite faction defending multilateralism and opposing rearmament, and the revisionist group swinging from support of West German rearmament in 1954 to unilateral nuclear disarmament in 1960, this aspect of party policy was less than consistent. The Party program in 1959 did cite world-wide disarmament as a paramount objective.
$$5.07 Alignment with East-West Blocs
The Labour Party continually stressed the necessity for support of NATO and the western alliances in this period and fell in with policies of non-recognition. On the other hand the party did not extend its suspicion of the USSR to the People's Republic of China and many elements within the party wished to include the U.N. The party felt the UN to be the lynch-pin of its international policy and sought eventual world brotherhood and government. In the latter part of the period negotiations with the eastern bloc and the admission of the PRC to the UN were increasingly urged.
The Labour Party consistently advocated a policy of decolonisation in this period, following the precedent it had set with Indian independence, the Party urged the dissolution of the empire into states, joined by fraternal commonwealth ties, on the bases of one man, one vote and the abolition of racial discrimination. Preparation for independence was therefore seen as essential, and stress in the first part of the period was on the development of backward areas rather than immediate independence. Conservative government policy over Suez, the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, Kenya and other colonial issues were strongly criticised.
$$5.09 Supranational Integration
1 for 1950-1956, ac9 and 0 for 1957-1962, ac9
The Party's attitude toward supranational integration was fairly cautious in the first part of this period but became confused and ambiguous in the second, partly due to internal factionalism. Trading agreements such as GATT and EFTA were welcomed but closer political links with Europe incurred the suspicion of at least the "revisionist" group. The Orthodox faction welcomed any move away from the USA and towards eventual world government. The United Nations was consistently supported as the harbinger of a world government, thus justifying both intervention in Korea and the sponsorship for admission of the PRC. On the other hand criticism was directed against the growing disparity between the richer industrial nations and the poorer majority and this sentiment affected enthusiasm for membership of the EEC, which was regarded by some elements of the party as a conspiracy of the rich nations against the poor. This protest, however, did not result in the formulation of an effective policy.
$$5.10 National Integration
3 for 1950-1956, ac7 and 1 for 1957-1962, ac7
Favouring the creation of greater uniformity rather than diversity and the subordination of nationalist to ideological considerations, the Labour Party was not initially receptive to the demands of the small welsh and Scottish nationalist movements. However, despite the marginal low of the nationalist vote, this vote tended to appear in traditionally Labour constituencies. The party accepted increased local and Cabinet recognition of Wales in an attempt to undercut the nationalist element as pressure-groups.
$$5.11 Electoral Participation
The Labour Party favoured the maintenance of universal adult suffrage, introduced in 1928.
$$5.12 Protection of Civil Rights
The Labour Party insisted upon its support for civil rights, rejecting the charge that socialism would mean class war and the suspension of freedom. It pointed rather to the discrimination on class lines that pervaded society and took tentative steps to resolve it. The party opposed the 1961 immigration bill on the grounds that prejudice was best tackled by education, not regulation. Embryonic support for a national bill of rights was not important in this period, nor was statutory enforcement of civil rights favoured.
$$5.13 Interference with Civil Liberties
The Labour Party advocated the recognition and enforcement of civil liberties in this period, except as concerned deliberate provocations of breaches of the peace. "D" notices to censor press releases that jeopardised national security or embarassed the government were accepted, though they were infrequently used.
$$5.14 / 5.15 US--Soviet Experts Left-Right Ratings
US says 3, non-communist left
Soviets say 2, the party numbers among its ranks trade union members and members of cooperative societies and professional organizations. It had a broad program of socioeconomic reforms, but it succumbed to pressure from English monopolistic circles and international financial unions and was unable to carry out its reforms.
$$6.00 Open Competition in the Electoral Process
The Labour Party relied exclusively on open competition in the electoral process to place its candidates in government in this period.
6.01 0, AC9.
The Labour Party did not undertake any noteworthy advertising campaigns in the press during this period. Their efforts were oriented toward news releases and public relations advertising. Labour did not embrace press advertising on a large scale until 1963-64. The purchase of broadcasting time for political advertising was not allowed.
The party regularly advertised its candidates by publicly displayed signs and posters, as well as by mail. Legislation controlled candidates' expenditures.
The local constituency associations of the party regularly contacted and canvassed voters.
The local constituency organisation arranged rallies and public meetings to the most important of which national and regional party leaders came as speakers.
The local constituency organisations regularly "brought out the vote" by ensuring that domestic duties or lack of transport did not keep supporters from the polls.
$$6.10 Restricting Party Competition
The Labour Party did not seek to disrupt the activity of other parties in the electoral process.
6.11, 6.12, 6.13, 6.14, 6.15, 6.16--0, AC9.
The Party never indulged in these activities.
$$6.20 Subverting the Political System
The Party was not oriented to subverting the political process, which it regarded as appropriate.
6.21, 6.22, 6.23, 6.24, 6.25, 6.26--0, AC9.
The Party neither indulged in, nor approved of such activities.
$$6.30 Propagandizing Ideas and Program
The party had no newspaper of its own, though the "Daily Herald" and "Sunday Citizen" as well as various trades union publications were tied to the Labour movement and other papers were its regular partisans. The party head office published a constant stream of periodicals, texts, pamphlets and leaflets expounding its principles and outlining policies. Limited broadcasting time for "Party Political Broadcasts" was allotted to the party on the basis of an annually renewed agreement between the major parties and the broadcasting authorities.
The party did not operate party schools, although the NEC had a subcommittee for political education and head office's press and publicity department made sporadic attempts to set up a programme on these lines, but without widespread or continuing success.
An election manifesto was produced by the NEC, after consultation with PLP leaders, which usually coincided more or less with that approved by the party conference.
Position papers were published regularly by the party head office. Manifestos preceded each election.
$$6.40 Allying with Other Parties
The Labour Party jointly sponsored candidates with the co-operative party throughout the period. The co-operative party resisted pressure to merge with the Labour Party, preferring to retain its independence, but its candidates joined the PLP upon election. Labour sponsorship of Communist Party candidates had ended in 1924 and the independent Labour party broke with Labour in 1932.
The Labour Party did not form a legislative bloc with any other party in this period.
The Labour Party did not share its cabinet positions with any other party during its terms in office.
6.44 not applicable.
$$6.50 Providing for Welfare of Party Members
6.51, 6.52, 6.53, 6.54--0, AC9.
The party did not provide these social welfare services.
6.55-- 2, aAC9.
Many local labour organisations had attached clubs which provided recreational facilities and services as an adjunct to their political functions. Before its abolition in 1955 the Labour League of Youth also organised recreational activities for young supporters.
$$7.01 Sources of Funds
1 (sector 01), ac5
There is some disagreement concerning the sources of funds for the Labour Party. One author puts the income from trade union affiliations at 70 percent, while another credits the unions with roughly 55 percent and the cooperatives with another 10 percent. Because of the clear dominance of the trade unions in source of contributions in either case, the party is scored low on this indicator of autonomy.
$$7.02 Source of Members
2 (sectors 01, 02), ac6
Membership of the Labour Party was mostly indirect, although one fifth of the total membership, over 6,000,000 was individual. In 1953 some 5,000,000 members were affiliated by the trades unions and co-operative societies, while the Fabian society and similar groups affiliated further members.
$$7.03 Sources of Leaders
2 (sectors 03, 01), ac9
The Parliamentary delegation of the Labour Party in this period came predominantly from the middle and working classes, although upper class members were not entirely absent. Representation was divided fairly evenly between working and professional men, but as the time period progressed working class Labour MPs dropped from 42 to 35 percent. The majority of working class MPs were those nominated by the trades unions and co-operative societies, and not those adopted by the CLPs. The largest single group was the teaching profession, which doubled its representation from 14 percent to 31 percent in the period. The legal profession supplied a steady average of another 14 percent or so. Business was only marginally represented, and the armed forces even less. Miners and railway servants were the largest occupational group of working class members, consistently providing 15 percent of the total. Despite the party's populist image, MPs educated at public (private) schools made up some 10 percent of the Labour total and, more interestingly, their chances of cabinet office were three times larger than their numbers would seem to justify.
$$7.04 Relations With Domestic Parties
The Labour Party maintained a relationship with the cooperative party, nominally a separate party supported by the retail cooperative societies.
These local societies often affiliated with Labour constituency parties and sponsored joint candidates. If elected, these candidates joined the PLP and accepted its whip. Through an agreement between the Cooperative Party and the Labour Party, these joint candidacies became limited to 30 after a high of 38 in 1955.
$$7.05 Relations With Foreign Organizations
The Labour Party is a member of the reconstituted Socialist International. Links with social democratic parties in other countries, especially in Western Europe are maintained and co-ordinated by the International Department of Head Office and the International Sub-committee of the NEC. In 1953 PLP representatives met with political and trades union representatives in west Africa to discuss government policy in the area. The Party steers away, however, from suggestions that its freedom of maneuver in either domestic or foreign policy is compromised by its international connections.
$$8.01 Structural Articulation
Four major "governmental" national organs were identifiable for the Labour Party in this period, two within the legislature and two without. In Parliament the leader is advised by the parliamentary committee and by the Cabinet when the party is in office. The Parliamentary organisation of the party, the PLP, meets weekly to discuss policy and issues. The National Executive Committee met monthly, representing the mass membership. The annual conference allowed access to decision making by the trades unions and other interests that made up the majority of the NEC. The administrative departments of the party head office paralleled the sub-committees of the NEC and coordinated policy with them, as well as providing research and publicity facilities. Appointment to all party office was by prescribed selection, laid down in a constitution.
$$8.02 Intensiveness of Organization
Individual members in the Labour Party were offered the opportunity to participate regularly in the party's affairs at the level of wards, subdivisions of constituencies.(46) 8.03 Extensiveness of Organization
Although the Labour Party sponsored candidates for seats in parliament in almost all constituencies, constituency associations in many areas were weak or non-existent. One study reports that only about one-quarter of the constituencies had a full-time agent. Similarly, the incidence of ward organizations within the constituencies must be highly variable.
$$8.04 Frequency of Local Meetings
6 for 1950-1956, ac6 and 5 for 1957-1962, ac6
Local meetings seem to have occurred on average about once a month, though records are incomplete and divergences from the norm were great in places. Constituency level meetings were more frequent, usually weekly. In the latter part of the period, however, support in working class areas began to fall off, despite compensatory increases in middle class areas, and the frequency of local meetings declined in many areas.
$$8.05 Frequency of National Meetings
6 for 1950-1956, ac9 and 5 for 1957-1962, ac9
The National Executive Committee met once a month on average in this period. The Party Conference met annually and the PLP on average three times a fortnight.
$$8.06 Maintaining Records
The Labour Party head office published a constant stream of party propoganda and maintained an outstanding archive and research department.
Membership lists, however, are not noted for their quality on account of the haphazard and uneven procedures for the affiliation of trades union members.
Many unions provide local CLPs with lump sums for affiliation which may not suffice for affiliation of their total membership, or even exceed its current levels.
$$8.07 Pervasiveness of Organization
Ancillary organizations such as women's groups, socialist societies and student organisations controlled by the Labour Party enlisted a small minority of their respective social sectors. The interdependence of the trades union movement and the Labour Party dictated extensive co operation between them but it is difficult to speak of control of either one by the other.
$$9.01 Nationalization of Structure
Although the Labour Party has eleven regional councils in its organization of structure, these councils play an unimportant part in the distribution of power with the party. The professional organization was responsible to the national office and the council was forbidden to discuss national or international affairs.
$$9.02 Selecting the National Leader
The leader of the Labour Party was elected by the Parliamentary delegation of the party.
$$9.03 Selecting Parliamentary Candidates
The selection of parliamentary candidates by the Labour Party followed two distinct patterns in this period. On the one hand, there were candidates sponsored by the trades unions (20 percent), cooperative societies (5 percent) and other less important affiliated organisations. On the other, most were nominated by the CLPs and approved by the NEC. The NEC held the power of veto but in fact local wishes were generally, though not invariably, respected.
$$9.04 Allocating Funds
Funds were collected at all levels of the party organisation, although the largest contributions were allocated directly to party head office by the trades unions. At the local level, trades union contributions to CLPs were supplemented by support of trades union candidates when these were chosen for election.
$$9.05 Formulating Policy
In theory, responsibility for the formulation of policy lay with the mass organisation of the party meeting in conference. In practice, however, it gravitated increasingly towards the PLP in general and the Parliamentary Committee and leader in particular. The net result was that the Parliamentary leadership found itself unable to impose its policies on the party conference while refusing on the other hand to adopt the latter's resolutions. Fierce struggles over issues such as German rearmament, the retention of clause iv (Nationalisation) as policy and the atomic bomb created confusion in party ranks in this period. Increasing acceptance of a more independent leadership, however, gave the ultimate edge to the party leader. Within the PLP strong veto pressure on legislation could be exerted by the substantial bloc of the trades union MPs.
$$9.06 Controlling Communications
7, ac9 Party control of communications media was concentrated at the national level and such communications were influential within the party. A considerable quantity of printed matter was disseminated from the party head office but the central press and publicity department also assisted the CLPs to finance and produce their own publications. Press releases from regional publicity officers as well as head office reached the independent national and local press regularly.
$$9.07 Administering Discipline
The NEC, on the recommendation of the party leadership imposed severe disciplinary measures in this period. Defiance of the whips elected by the PLP resulted in a vote by that body to withdraw the whip. When in government the Party leader could reprove his cabinet colleagues at will but when in opposition he was forced to work in consultation with the Parliamentary
Committee elected by the PLP.
$$9.08 leadership concentration
Traditions of decentralised and collective leadership combined with the growing effective power of the leadership made the assignment of the actual locus of power difficult in this period. Having long dominated the NEC, the Parliamentary leadership increasingly propogated the theories of its independence of the lower echelons of the party and its right to make decisions. The mass organisations of the party, however, aided by factional struggle within the PLP, continued to insist that the parliamentary party was merely the representative of the Labour movement in the legislature. While the leadership group seemed to maintain an edge in this struggle, the leadership remained collective with the parliamentary committee as its chief locus, despite the great prestige and influence of the leader.
$$10.01 Legislative Cohesion
Party cohesiveness was extremely high and rebellions against a "Three-line whip" were usually temporary. Cohesiveness was nearly complete.
Rebellion against party authority was discouraged by the fact that party nomination was well-nigh essential for continued electoral survival, since expulsion from the party was tantamount to expulsion from the house at the next election.
$$10.02 Ideological Factionalism
The Labour Party was deeply rent by ideological factionalism in this period. The party's split into a "revisionist" mainstream led by Attlee, Morrison and Gaitskell, and an "Orthodox" faction led by A. Bevan and others of the "keep left group" in the PLP. The "revisionist" group sought to tone down the socialist content of the party's policies in favor of a more pragmatic approach to electoral appeal. This was resisted by the "fundamentalists" who saw it as a betrayal of principle. The falling Labour share of the popular vote exacerbated the struggle, which also became effectively a struggle for the party leadership as well. The Bevanite faction which in its early stages at least included Wilson, Crossman, Mikardo, and Barbara Castle, represented a solid core of about one fifth of the PLP which rose to nearly half on occasion. The failure of Bevan's challenge to Attlee in 1955 and the conversion of Bevan, Wilson, and Crossman to a policy of compromise between the two camps temporarily quieted the struggle but it flared up again in 1959 with the conversion of Frank Cousins and other powerful union leaders to "fundamentalism." The party was still deeply rent by these issues when the period ended, despite the reconciliation of Bevan and Gaitskell in 1957.
$$10.03 Issue Factionalism
Ideological factionalism in the Labour Party harbored a number of longstanding issues that divided the party. The issue of nationalization is a prime example. Although neutralism in foreign affairs definitely had a left-wing cast to it, this issue deserves some recognition in its own right as serving to divide the Labour Party in the 1950s.
$$10.04 Leadership Factionalism
Competiton for the leadership of the Labour Party in this period was inextricable from the factional struggle between the "revisionist" and "fundamentalist" camps, but it was not coterminous with it. The reconciliation of Bevan with Gaitskell in 1957 lends credence to the theory that leadership competition lay behind at least some of the factional strife.
$$10.05 Strategic or Tactical Factionalism
The falling Labour share of the popular vote caused considerable anxiety within the party and the factionalism was certainly fuelled, if not caused, by disagreement over the means of reversing this decline.
$$10.06 Party Purges
There were no party purges in this period. Even Bevan was spared from expulsion in 1955.
$$11.01 Membership Requirements
Membership in the Labour Party is not contingent upon signing a membership card, but payment of a NEC subscription is usually required. Moreover, publishes a list of organizations to the party's left to which no prospective member may belong.
$$11.02 Membership Participation
According to one source, of a stated 1,036,000 or so individual members and more than 5,000,000 affiliated by the trades unions, only an estimated 130,000 were more than nominal members. Another source claimed that at least two-thirds of the members played a part of some sort in the party.
$$11.03 Material Incentives
Party work was largely voluntary and unpaid so that material incentives were almost non-existent, especially at the lower levels.
$$11.04 Purposive Incentives
The majority of party activists seemed motivated by their political convictions and thus were led to political work by its purposive incentives.
References to a body of literature in justification of party philosophy or policies were few as the Labour party was careful to play down similarities with parties further to its left. The political roots of the Party lay in the organic tradition of the Labour movement from Chartism and before and references to this tradition were common. Labour party leaders were prolific authors and references to the work of the Webbs, Kier Hardie and others are occasionally made in speeches.
The Labour Party is a well-institutionalised organisation and changed its leaders during the time period. Personalism was of no importance to party activists.